✓ 


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X. 


PRINCETON.  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the  Mary  Cheves  Dulles  Fund. 


Division  HT650 

.W39 


Section. 


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AMONG  THE  PRIMITIVE  BAKONGO 


Photo  by 


A Hatekk  Chief 


Rci>.  A.  Billin^ton 


The  Hateke  tribe  occupies  a part  of  Stanley  Pool.  This  chief  has  a cowrie  shell  hat  on  his  head, 
a brass  collar  round  his  neck,  a whisk  of  buffalo  hair  in  his  hand— a kind  of  sceptre  with  which  he 
emphasizes  the  important  points  in  his  talk,  and  is  sittif|£  on  a leopard’s  skin  which  only  chiefs  may 
use.  In  front  is  a common  china  ornament  he  has  bought  at  a trading  house. 


MAR  16  1914 


AMONG  THE 

PRIMITIVE  BAKONGO 


A RECORD  OF  THIRTY  YEARS’  CLOSE  INTERCOURSE 
WITH  THE  BAKONGO  AND  OTHER  TRIBES  OF 
EQUATORIAL  AFRICA,  WITH  A DESCRIP- 
TION OF  THEIR  HABITS,  CUSTOMS 
RELIGIOUS  BELIEFS 


BY 


JOHN  H.  WEEKS 

Correspondent  to  the  Royal  Anthropological 
Institute  to  the  Folk-Lore  Society 
Author  of  “Among  Congo  Cannibals,”  dr’r.  &^c. 


With  40  Illustrations  £5*  a Map 


PHILADELPHIA 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 

LONDON  : SEELEY,  SERVICE  6-  CO.  LIMITED 
1914 


PREFACE 


The  kindly  reception  given  to  a former  work,  Among 
Congo  Cannibals,  has  encouraged  the  author  to  put  in 
permanent  form  this  record  of  the  customs,  habits, 
organisations,  court  life  and  its  functionaries,  which  he  has 
carefully  noted  during  the  thirty  years  that  he  has  been  more 
or  less  closely  in  touch  with  the  peoples  of  the  Lower 
Congo. 

The  former  work  deals  with  a Riverine  Tribe  on  the  Upper 
Congo  River ; but  this  book  aims  at  giving  a reflection  of  the 
Lower  Congo  native’s  mind,  a series  of  word  photographs  of 
his  manner  of  life,  his  views  regarding  the  various  spirits  by 
which  he  is  surrounded  and  his  method  of  controlling  them ; 
and  also  reminiscences  of  the  old  King,  who  for  thirty-two 
years  reigned  nominally  over  an  extent  of  territory  larger  than 
Wales,  but  in  reality  only  over  a stretch  of  country  the  size  of 
a small  English  county.  The  language  spoken,  Kisi-Kongo,  at 
the  capital,  San  Salvador,  is  known,  with  slight  dialectical 
differences,  throughout  the  whole  of  the  nominal  kingdom  of 
Kongo,  and  in  some  parts  even  beyond  its  boundaries,  and  the 
people  are  designated  Bakongo. 

The  customs,  &c.,  here  described  are  in  vogue  over  the 
whole  of  the  Lower  Congo,  having  regard,  of  course,  to  local 
colouring  and  conditions,  e.g.  the  ingredients  employed  to 
make  a charm  in  one  place  may  not  all  be  found  in  another 
locality,  so  they  are  replaced  by  other  things ; and  in  one  part 
of  the  country  where  gunpowder  is  easily  procurable,  and 
being  mysterious  in  its  action,  it  is  largely  used  to  rouse  their 


VI 


PREFACE 


fetishes  to  activity,  whereas  in  another  part,  where  gunpowder 
is  difficult  to  obtain,  and  consequently  very  expensive,  the 
rattle  and  whistle,  used  vigorously,  are  employed  as  substitutes, 
while  in  other  districts  both  gunpowder  and  whistles  enter 
largely  into  their  ritual.  Again,  in  the  sixteenth  century  the 
Portuguese  Roman  Catholics  were  dominant  in  San  Salvador 
and  its  neighbourhood,  and  as  a result  in  that  district  the  cross 
(ekuluzu)  is  now  often  used  as  a charm,  and  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
made  by  the  naked  finger  or  with  a piece  of  chalk,  is  frequently 
employed  in  the  ceremonies  of  some  cults  of  fetish  men. 

The  writer  has  no  particular  leaning  towards  any  school  of 
anthropologists,  and  has  not  written  in  suppoi’t  of  any  party. 
He  noted  down  his  observations  of  native  manners,  &c.,  from 
sheer  interest  in  the  people  amongst  whom  his  life  was  cast, 
and  from  an  earnest  desire  to  understand  them,  their  outlook 
on  life,  their  thoughts  respecting  their  environments,  and  their 
ideas  of  a future  state ; and  what  he  has  seen  and  learned  he 
has  tried  to  put  in  clear,  terse  language  before  his  readers. 

These  pages  are  not  a record  of  missionary  incidents,  but 
an  account  of  native  life  in  all  its  various  complex  stages  from 
before  birth  to  after  death — the  native’s  work,  fights,  hunts, 
dances,  games,  stories,  and  loves;  the  diseases  to  which  he  is 
subject,  the  spirits  he  must  cajole,  and  the  struggles  he  en- 
counters through  life. 

The  writer  trusts  that  the  non-specialist  will  find  in  these 
pages  such  information  as  will  help  him  to  a fuller,  and  hence 
a juster,  knowledge  of  the  black  man  in  his  native  life  and 
home;  and  the  anthropologist  will  find  the  facts  with  which 
to  weave  his  theories  of  the  human  race. 

The  author  is  much  indebted  to  the  Council  of  the  Folk 
],ore  Society  for  permission  to  use  the  articles  contributed  by 
him  to  their  Quarterly  Reviews ; and  to  the  editor  of  The 
Treasury  for  a similar  kindness  respecting  an  article  of  his — 
an  African  River,  that  appeared  in  that  magazine.  His  best 


PREFACE 


Vll 


thanks  are  also  due  to  his  colleagues,  Revs,  F.  Oldrieve,  W. 
Wooding,  T.  Lewis,  R.  H.  C.  Graham,  S.  Bowskill,  and  Dr. 
Mercier  Gamble  for  their  kind  permission  to  use  the  photo- 
graphs bearing  their  names;  and  to  Miss  Hartland,  Rev. 
J.  L.  Forfeitt,  and  Sir  H.  H.  Johnston,  G.C.M.G.,  for  so 
willingly  placing  their  collections  of  photographs  at  his  service. 


JOHN  H.  WEEKS. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

MY  FIRST  TRIP  ON  THE  CONGO  RIVER 

Arrival  at  Banana — Journey  in  the  s.s.  Livingstone — Steamer  breaks 
down — Loses  its  propeller — Bargain  with  natives— Journey  in 
canoe — Meet  with  hippopotami — Arrival  at  Musuku — First  fever 
— Surrounding  views  of  river  and  hills 


CHAPTER  II 

JOURNEY  TO  SAN  SALVADOR 

Start  for  San  Salvador — Fitting  out  the  caravan — Nature  of  the 
roads — Crossing  streams  and  swamps — Native  hospitality — Dew- 
laden grass — Welcome  at  San  Salvador — Gift  of  a pig — 
Pleasant  memories  of  the  road — We  were  objects  of  interest 
en  route — Night  scenes  in  the  villages — Discussions  among 
carriers — Interesting  conundrums  for  carriers  .... 


CHAPTER  m 

BAN  SALVADOR 

The  town  of  San  Salvador — King  different  from  chiefs — Visit  to  the 
King — His  maze-like  compound — Introduction  to  his  majesty — 
An  account  of  the  King’s  ruse — Rumours  of  his  cruelty — His 
regard  for  Queen  Victoria — Method  of  fighting  for  the  throne — 
Supplants  another  King — Description  of  the  dethroned  King 


CHAPTER  IV 

COURT  ETIQUETTE  AND  NATIVE  FUNCTIONARIES 

Ceremony  of  approaching  the  King — Wives  of  the  King — King’s 
dress — Pages — Power — Court  officers — Their  names — Their 
duties — Nobles — Buying  a title — Installation  of  a nobleman — 
Fee  to  King’s  representative — Various  titles  of  nobility — Their 

meaning — Native  names 

ix 


PAGE 


17-23 


24-31 


32-38 


39-49 


X 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  V 

REMINISCENCES  OF  DOM  PEDRO  V,  KING  OP  KONGO 

King  in  mourning — King’s  size — Receives  a present — King  dines 
with  us — His  conduct  at  table — His  wives  clear  his  plates — 
Hears  of  England — Private  talks  with  King — His  wives  go  on 
strike — Co-operation  among  his  wives — Germans  arrive  at  San 
Salvador — King  refuses  to  see  them — He  hears  of  an  old  friend 
— Receives  the  members  of  the  German  Geographical  Society — 
His  death 


CHAPTER  VI 

NATIVE  GOVERNMENT  AND  DAWS 

Extent  of  the  kingdom — Its  rowdyism — Institution  of  a better  con- 
dition— Promulgation  of  new  laws — Punishment  of  homicides 
— Of  thieves — They  are  fairly  honest — Retaining  a slave — Pro- 
cedure in  court — Bribery — Dealing  with  quarrels — Slave  able  to 
free  himself — Position  of  slave  children — Debtor  and  creditor — 
Collecting  debts — Mode  of  dealing  with  a tyrannical  chief — 
Clubbing  together — Some  native  palavers 

CHAPTER  VII 

LANGUAGE,  IDIOMS,  AND  PROVERBS 

Studying  the  language — Native  interpreters — Their  queer  statements 
— Story  of  a snake — Character  of  native  language — Its  adjectives 
— Its  verb  forms — Its  curious  idioms — Its  proverbs 

CHAPTER  VIII 

NATIVE  FOODS,  DRINKS,  AND  MANUFACTURES 

Food  stuffs — Manioc — Two  kinds — Poisonous  and  non-poisonous — 
Methods  of  cooking — Making  bread — Preparing  flour — Soft 
puddings — Relishes  and  sauces — One  meal  a day — Man  procures 
the  meat  or  fish — Dividing  food — Drinks — Palm  wines — Beer — 
Malting — Making  beer — Wine  tapsters — Mats — Pots — Making 
threads  for  cloth  


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE  FAMILY  AND  VILLAGE 

Arrangement  of  houses — Their  sizes — Results  of  mother-right  on 
family  life — The  clan  and  the  family — Palm  trees — Pawning  a 
relative — Totemism — Position  of  chiefs — Their  revenue — As 
judges — The  chief’s  successor — His  heir — A woman  chief  . 


PAOE 


60-69 


60-73 


74-85 


86-93 


94-102 


CONTENTS 


XI 


CHAPTER  X 

COXGO  WOMEN  AND  THEIR  WAYS 

Going  to  the  farm — Women’s  chatter — Coming  from  the  farm — 
Their  salutations — Women  loom  large  in  native  life — The  slave 
woman — Female  characteristics — Barren  women — Abortion — 
Marks  of  a good  wife 


CHAPTER  XI 

BIRTH  AND  CHILDHOOD 

The  baby’s  “ doctor” — Child’s  toilet — Betrothal  of  baby-girls — Palm- 
frond  and  its  uses — Dreaming  about  snakes — Rebirth  in  children 
— Meaning  of  names — Aversion  to  twins — What  the  girls  do — 
The  maternal  uncle — Mode  of  frightening  children  . 


CHAPTER  XII 

NATIVE  AMUSEMENTS 

Boys  love  hockey — Moonlight  games — Make-believe  games — Pigeon 
game — “ Spider” — Peanut  game — “Touch” — Game  with  ball — 
“Towns” — “Hunt  the  Slipper” — “Bull-roarer” — Gambling — 
Dances — Fetish  dance — Fleecing  a visitor — Conundrums — Jungle 
stories 


CHAPTER  Xm 

COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE 

Effect  of  mother-right  on  degrees  of  affinity — Treating  for  a wife — 
Counting  the  marriage  money — Manner  of  sharing  it — Breaking 
the  engagement — Carrying  off  the  bride — Marriage  feast — 
Marriage  oaths — Love  philtre — Congo  women  a good  investment 
— The  slave  wife — Polygamy  and  its  effects  .... 


CHAPTER  XIV 

SALUTATIONS,  BLESSINGS,  AND  CURSES 

Daily  greetings — Farewells — Jocular  salutations — Their  answers — 
Paying  homage  to  the  King — Homage  to  a chief — Common 
salutations — Doubtful  farewell  blessings — Cursing  a child — 
Removing  a curse — Cursing  a family — Insults  . . . . 


PAGE 


103-110 


111-120 


121-140 


141-150 


151-157 


Xll 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XV 


A SECRET  SOCIETY — COUNTRY-OF-THE-DEAD 


PAOE 

Reason  for  secret  societies — Not  puberty  rites — Names  of  a secret 
society — Their  meaning — Starting  a lodge — Site  of  a lodge — 

Taking  food  to  the  dead — The  secret  language — Escaping  from 
the  lodge — Life  in  the  lodge — Advantages  to  the  medicine-man 
— New  names  for  the  initiated — Leaving  the  lodge — Supposed 
ignorance  of  the  initiated — Their  lawless  conduct — The  musical 
instrument  used  in  the  lodge 158-167 


CHAPTER  XVI 

A GUILD,  bachelor’s  CLUB,  AND  CIRCUMCISION 

Black-mailed  by  a guild — Guild’s  master  of  ceremonies — Rites  at 
entrance  to  the  guild — Dress  of  the  initiated — Secret  language 
— Advantages  of  membership — Bachelors’  club — Two  modes  of 
circumcision — Punishments  in  the  lodge — Operation  on  girls — 
Suggested  reason  for  modification  in  rites — Effect  of  over- 
lordship  168-177 


CHAPTER  XVII 

BUSH  BURNING  AND  HUNTING 

Scarcity  of  game — Bush  burning,  a long-standing  custom — Method 
of  burning  the  grass — Village  rights  and  grass  burning — Dangers 
to  houses  from  sparks — The  hunters’  patron — Making  the  hunting 
charm — Visiting  grave  of  great  hunter — Hunter’s  medicine-man 
— An  oblation  of  blood — Restoring  luck — Division  of  the  meat 
— Numerous  accidents — Hunter’s  dog — Rat-hunting — Respect 
for  leopards 178-189 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

WARFARE  AND  ITS  USAGES 

Catalogued  according  to  weapons — The  flint-lock  gun — Proclaiming 
war — Making  the  war  charm — The  village  dance  and  fetish — 

Fight  for  the  corpse — Making  of  peace — Blood  brotherhood — 

Viewing  a fight — Story  of  a fight — Surprised  that  a fighter  was 
killed 190-198 


CHAPTER  XIX 

MARKET  DAYS  AND  TRADING 

The  Congo  man  a keen  trader — Four  market  days — The  five  great 
markets — Beads  and  brass  rods — Depreciation  of  the  currency 
— Keeping  accounts — Market  laws — Introduction  of  the  chigoe 
— A trading  charm — Etiquette  of  the  road — Ivory — Curious 
native  belief — Slaves — Matabixu — Factory  interpreters — Method 
of  exchange 199-213 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XX 

BLACK  AND  WHITE  MAGIC 

Meaning  of  nganga — Of  white  art — Of  black  art — Methods  of  entering 
the  cults — By  initiation— By  payment — By  being  imbued  with 
fetish  power — By  passing  the  ordeal — Chief  characteristics  of 
medicine-men — Their  power — Theory  of  black  and  white  magic 
— The  various  witch-doctors — Their  ceremonies— Their  mode  of 
working — They  maintain  the  status  quo 

CHAPTER  XXI 

FETISHES  AND  CHARMS 

Widespread  belief  in  charms — The  charm  bundle — Meaning  of  nkisi 
— As  many  fetishes  as  spirits — Contents  of  a bundle  of  charms 
— Charms  for  every  possible  purpose — Various  sacrifices  to 
fetishes — Luck  charm — Lightning  fetish — Names  and  functions 
of  various  fetishes — Horn  charms — Talking  shell — Scarecrows 
— Killing  spirits 


CHAPTER  XXII 

TABOOS,  FIRST-FRUITS,  AND  OMENS 

Taboos  {maintain  the  status  quo — Inherited  taboos — Personal  taboos 
— Temporary  taboos — Women’s  taboos — Taboos  relating  to 
names — To  days — To  the  mother-in-law — To  the  blacksmith — 
Results  of  breaking  taboo — First-fruits — Planting — Omens 

CHAPTER  XXIII 

DIAGNOSIS  AND  DIVINATION 

DiflBculty  of  diagnosing — Paucity  of  symptom-words — Pine  work 
done  by  doctors — Two  patients — Native  “doctors” — Method  of 
diagnosing — Treatment  of  a patient — Decide  on  witchcraft — 
Discovering  the  witch — Procuring  the  ordeal — Giving  the  ordeal 
— Various  tests — Different  kinds  of  divination  .... 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

DEATH  AND  BURIAL 

Fearless  of  death  because  of  their  superstitions — Fear  of  witchcraft 
— Desire  for  a grand  funeral — Treatment  of  a corpse — Gathering 
goats,  &c. — Sending  out  invitations — An  account  of  Gazia — 
Grave-digging  fees — Death  of  a chief — Death  of  an  infant — 
Widows — Removing  spells — Death  by  lightning — Suicide- 
Sorrow  . . 


xiii 


PAOE 


214-231 


232-244 


245-263 


254-265 


266-275 


XIV 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XXV 

RELIGIOUS  BELIEFS 

Supreme  Being — The  source  of  evil— Chalk  and  its  power — The 
desire  for  grand  funerals — Forest  town  of  spirits — Sun  and 
moon  theory — As  abode  of  spirits — Theories  clash — Shooting 
stars  as  spirits — Degeneration  of  a spirit — Dreams  as  spirit 
journeys — No  compound  soul — Necessary  beliefs — Sky  as  a 
ceiling — An  attempt  to  reflect  the  native  mind  .... 

CHAPTER  XXVI 

POT  POURRI 

Paying  a caravan — Attempt  to  bluff — The  e^il  eye — Charm  against 
the  evil  eye — The  “ to-morrow  ” charm — Dislike  to  being  counted 
— Origin  of  Are — The  stars  and  their  names — Water-sprites — 
Weave  cloths — Have  only  one  eye — Native  rapacity — Reason  for 
their  greed — Description  of  the  Congo  River  .... 

APPENDIX  


FAOE 

276-288 


289-304 

305-314 


INDEX  . 


315-318 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


A Bateke  Chief  ..... 

Frontispiece 

Native  Chief,  Boma  .... 

• 

PAGE 

20 

Suspension  Bridge  over  the  River  Ambriz 

26 

Inscription  on  Rocks  above  Matadi  . 

32 

Present  King  of  Kongo  in  State 

40 

Approaching  the  King  ceremoniously 

40 

State  Robes  of  the  King  of  Kongo  . 

52 

Village  in  French  Kongo  . 

62 

Congo  Nobles  ..... 

70 

An  Ancient  Font  .... 

70 

Making  a Papyrus  Mat 

88 

Palm-tree  Climber  '. 

96 

Lower  Congo  Woman  and  Child 

112 

Native  Drummers  .... 

122 

The  Town  Band  ..... 

132 

Locust  Eating  a Mouse 

142 

The  Nsambi.  ..... 

160 

A Cat’s  Cradle  ..... 

160 

Members  of  the  Nkimba  Secret  Society 

170 

A Hunting  Fetish  Drum  . 

178 

Fetish  Cross  used  in  Hunting  . 

188 

The  Nsambi  ..... 

188 

Ferry  across  the  River  Kevilu 

. 

. 

194 

XV 


XVI 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Native  Currency  Church  Collection  ....  202 

Bread  Fruit  Tree  ........  210 

Witch  Doctor  and  his  Assistants  .....  216 

The  Nlongo  Custom,  Zombo  ......  222 

Sleeping-sick  Patients,  San  Salvador  ....  228 

Basket-making  .........  228 

Fetishes  and  Charms,  Lower  Congo  .....  240 

Natural  and  Artificial  Rattles  .....  250 

European  Image  .........  260 

Native  Fetish  .........  260 

Graves,  Lower  Congo  .......  268 

Tombs  of  the  Kings  of  Kongo  . . . . . .272 

Animal  Fetish  with  Human  Head 286 

Main  Road  near  San  Salvador  ......  286 

Lower  Congo  Pottery  .......  290 

Washing  a Child  ........  290 

Bridge  across  a Swamp  .......  298 


AMONG  THE  PRIMITIVE 
BAKONGO 


CHAPTER  I 

MY  FIRST  TRIP  ON  THE  CONGO  RIVER 

ON  the  13th  of  January  1882  the  s.s.  Kinsembo  steamed 
round  Banana  Point,  and  with  much  rattling  of  chains 
dropped  her  anchor  in  the  brackish  waters  of  Banana 
Creek.  On  the  port  side  of  our  vessel  was  Banana — a narrow 
strip  of  sand  gently  lapped  on  the  inner  side  by  the  tired 
waters  that  had  travelled  hundreds  of  weary  miles  from  the 
far  interior  of  Africa,  here  rushing  impetuously  over  falls, 
there  madly  racing  with  “ white  horses  ” through  the  rapids ; 
here  pushing  their  frothy,  fuming  way  among  the  boulders  and 
rocks  that  frequently,  in  the  cataract  regions,  tried  to  impede 
their  onward  haste  to  the  sea,  and  there  purring  by  a shelving 
bank  in  a quiet  bay  or  gurgling,  like  a happy  child,  over  the 
pebbly  shallows;  but  with  it  all  ever  hurrying  of  set  purpose 
to  the  ocean.  No  wonder  they  were  weary  after  their  toilsome 
journey,  and  turned  into  the  creek  for  a rest  before  renewing 
their  travels  on  the  bosom  of  the  mighty  Atlantic. 

Away  to  the  stern  of  our  steamer  was  the  main  current  of 
the  great  river  and  its  many  full-grown  tributaries  sweeping 
with  reddish-brown  waters  to  the  sea.  The  current  by  its 
volume  and  force  discoloured  the  sea  for  over  eighty  miles 
from  the  river’s  mouth,  and  when  the  tide  turned  it  scarcely 
affected  the  onward  rush  of  the  river’s  course. 

The  spit  of  sand  forming  Banana  was  long  and  low,  and 
was  occupied  as  a receiving  and  distributing  centre  by  several 

B 


18 


OUR  LITTLE  STEAMER 


trading  houses  that  had  their  factories  up  the  river  and  its 
numerous  creeks,  and  stretching  north  and  south  along  the 
sea  coast.  At  that  time  the  most  powerful  of  these  houses 
was  the  “ Dutch  House,”  at  whose  table  over  fifty  white  men 
sat  daily,  and  whose  coloured  employes  reached  well  into  four 
figures.  From  the  deck  of  the  steamer  we  could  look  over  the 
various  houses  and  stores  and  see  the  Atlantic  waves  rolling  up 
the  low,  shelving  beach,  so  that  Banana  with  its  white  roofs, 
its  frangipanis,  its  oleanders,  its  maracujas,  its  low  green 
shrubs,  and  its  graceful  cocoa-nut  palms  seemed,  in  its  bright, 
sunlit  beauty,  to  be  sitting  on  the  water.  A pretty  sight 
from  the  steamer,  and  all  the  more  beautiful  to  us  as  for  seven 
weeks  we  had  been  looking  towards  it  as  the  object  of  our 
desires,  and  the  starting-point  of  our  African  life  and 
experiences. 

Not  long  after  the  anchor  dropped,  my  old  college  friend. 
Ml’.  Billington,  came  on  board  and  offered  me  a passage  in 
his  mission  launch,  the  Livingstone^  as  far  as  our  station  at 
Musuku.  The  launch  was  not  to  start  for  a few  days,  but  he 
invited  me  to  stay  with  him  at  the  mission-house  until  all  was 
ready.  I had  been  wondering  how  I was  to  reach  Musuku, 
situated  about  90  miles  up  the  river,  so  I gladly  accepted  the 
proffered  help. 

The  Livingstone  was  a small  steam  launch  about  50  feet 
long,  5 feet  wide,  and  of  very  shallow  draught.  When  she 
was  fully  laden  with  cargo  for  up-river  stations,  and  supplied 
with  coals  and  provisions  for  the  journey,  there  was  not  much 
room  to  spare  for  the  two  white  men  who  worked  her,  and  the 
unfortunate  passenger  who  in  his  ignorance  had  accepted  a 
passage  by  her  to  his  station.  Through  the  comparatively 
quiet  waters  of  Banana  Creek  the  little  launch  made  her  way 
with  holiday  gaiety ; Bula  Mbemba  Point  was  rounded,  and 
then  came  the  struggle  for  every  foot  of  the  way.  Whatever 
speed  the  Livingstone  may  have  had  on  the  Thames  she  lost 
it  on  the  Congo,  for  in  spite  of  her  fussing  and  fuming,  and 
the  racing  of  her  noisy  engines,  it  was  sunset  before  we  reached 
Ponta  de  Lenha,  a factory  about  20  miles  from  Banana. 


A BROKEN  ENGINE 


19 


By  the  afternoon  of  the  second  day  we  steamed  into  Boma, 
and  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  a French  trading  house.  We 
were  not  sorry  to  stretch  our  legs  on  the  short,  wide  road  that 
ran  by  the  river.  The  three  of  us  who  formed  the  passenger 
and  crew  of  the  launch  more  than  crowded  her  carrying 
capacity.  Where  we  sat  down  in  the  morning  there  we  had 
to  remain  until  we  arrived  at  our  stopping-place,  for  if  we 
moved  too  freely,  or  changed  our  position  too  carelessly,  the 
little  steamer  rocked  ominously,  and  warned  us  of  possible 
consequences.  Every  movement  had  to  be  well  calculated,  and 
when  it  was  necessary  for  one  to  approach  the  provision  box, 
or  crawl  along  to  a bit  of  engine  beyond  the  engineer’s  reach 
from  his  seat,  another  of  us  had  to  watch  his  movements  and 
counteract  his  weight  when  the  steamer  wobbled.  Just  imagine 
sitting  abaft  the  engines — the  only  place  there  was  for  accom- 
modation— with  the  heat  from  them  coming  full  in  your  face, 
the  tropical  sun  pouring  down  its  fierce  rays  on  and  penetrat- 
ing through  the  thin  awning  above,  and  the  water  reflecting 
the  heat  on  either  side  ! We  had  all  the  discomforts  and  none 
of  the  pleasures  of  a prolonged  Turkish  bath. 

On  leaving  Boma  on  the  third  morning  out  from  Banana 
we  fully  anticipated  arriving  at  Musuku  in  the  early  afternoon. 
But  we  had  not  gone  many  miles  when  “ crack  ” went  a bolt  in 
the  engine,  and  our  little  launch  began  to  rock  dangerously  in 
the  turbulent  waters.  We  were  negotiating  a swiftly-running 
stretch  of  river,  and  the  engineer,  in  trying  to  get  more  speed 
out  of  the  engines,  had  overstrained  them,  with  the  result  that 
a bolt  gave  way,  and  our  little  craft  was  turned  about  and 
carried  down-river  like  a cork  on  the  waves.  At  the  right 
moment  an  anchor  was  thrown  out,  which  gripped  the  rocky 
bottom  and  saved  us  from  a catastrophe. 

Ransacking  among  the  spare  gear,  the  only  bolt  we  could 
find  was  too  large  to  fit  into  the  place,  so  we  took  turn  about 
in  the  broiling  heat  to  file  that  bolt  to  a proper  size.  And  all 
the  time  the  launch  was  tugging  at  her  anchor  chain  fit  to 
snap  it,  and  rocking  and  rolling  in  the  treacherous  current  as 
though  she  would  like  to  turn  and  lay  for  ever  on  her  side  at 


20 


IN  SIGHT  OF  MUSUKU 


the  bottom  of  the  river,  where  engineers  cease  from  troubling 
and  weary  steamers  are  at  rest. 

As  soon  as  possible  we  were  again  on  our  way  up-river, 
the  little  launch  fighting  bravely  for  every  inch  of  progress; 
and  the  giant,  swirling,  rushing  current  sometimes  held  her  so 
tightly  in  its  grip  that  she  could  not  force  her  way  round  some 
jutting  point  that  seemed  exposed  to  the  whole  weight  of  the 
river.  She  would  then  cut  across  the  river  to  the  other  side, 
where  she  would  humbly  creep  up  the  quiet  water,  apologeti- 
cally take  advantage  of  any  up-current,  and,  coming  in  time  to 
another  sti’ong  corner,  she  would  remember  her  past  experi- 
ences, and  instead  of  fighting  the  strong  water  she  would  cross 
the  river  in  search  of  less  turbulent  foes  on  the  other  side  ; and 
thus  for  many  a mile  she  worked  her  way  modestly,  but  with 
much  fretting  and  wheezing,  up  the  great  river  that  in  after 
years  was  to  play  with  ocean  steamers  on  her  bosom,  and  in 
spiteful  moods  to  twirl  them  round  and  round  like  tops. 

By  the  middle  of  the  afternoon  we  came  in  sight  of 
Musuku,  but  between  us  and  our  landing-place  was  a great 
stretch  of  water  called  in  the  native  tongue  “ angry  waters,” 
because  of  the  noise  they  made  in  swirling  and  rushing  down, 
constantly  boiling  and  bubbling,  suddenly  making  whirlpools 
in  unlikely  places,  that  gyrated  with  great  momentum  for 
a time,  forming  deep  and  ever-widening  holes,  and  then 
mysteriously  disappearing  to  reappear  in  another  unexpected 
place.  The  one  in  charge  of  the  steamer  decided  that,  instead 
of  crossing  that  great  cauldron  of  seething  water,  it  would  be 
wiser  to  go  up  a quiet,  narrow  channel  between  the  mainland 
and  an  island,  and  coming  out  above  the  madly  whirling 
waters,  cross  in  a calmer  stretch  of  river,  and  thus  gain  our 
destination  without  further  trouble.  But  no  sooner  did  we 
turn  up  the  quiet  channel  than  a rock  hidden  beneath  the 
water  knocked  off  our  propeller ; but  there  was  sufficient  way 
on  the  steamer  to  take  us  to  the  bank,  and  steering  for  some 
trees,  we  tied  up  to  them  as  quickly  as  we  touched  them. 

Between  us  and  Musuku  was  the  island,  and  we  wanted  our 
friends  at  the  station  to  know  of  our  whereabouts,  so  at  short 


h M,  Shanu 

Native  Chief,  Boma 


The  photo  was  taken  twenty-five  years  ago  in  a village  just  behind  Boma,  which  is  now  the 
capital  of  Belgian  Congo.  Fetishes  are  carved  on  the  King*post,  and  around  the  post  is  a trench 
into  which  palm-wine  and  blood  were  poured  as  an  offering  to  the  fetishes  on  the  post.  The  wide 
verandah  was  used  for  pala'  ers. 


WE  ENGAGE  A CANOE 


21 


intervals  we  fired  our  guns  and  shouted,  but  as  there  was  no 
response  we  decided  that  our  people  had  not  noticed  our  little 
launch  when  she  came  in  sight  of  the  station,  and  that  they 
probably  regarded  our  guns  as  the  firing  of  some  hippopotami 
hunters. 

Not  long  before  sunset  we  saw  two  natives  passing  in  a 
canoe  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  channel  in  which  we  were 
wrecked.  We  called  and  beckoned  to  them,  and  they  came 
alongside  our  little  steamer  and  asked  us  what  we  wanted. 

We  replied  by  asking  them  if  they  would  take  us  to 
Musuku. 

“Yes,”  they  answered,  “but  what  will  you  pay  us.^” 

We  said  that  we  would  give  them  eight  handkerchiefs,  and 
they,  on  seeing  the  bright,  gaudy  cloth  with  its  grotesque 
patterns  in  red,  black,  yellow,  &c.,  at  once  agreed  to  take  us ; 
and  being  eager  to  handle  such  handsome  pay,  cried  out : 

“ Get  into  our  canoe  at  once,  and  we  will  paddle  you  to 
Musuku.” 

Well,  that  was  a feat  much  easier  to  talk  about  than  to 
accomplish  by  the  inexperienced.  The  canoe  was  a “ dug-out  ” 
— simply  a tree  that  had  been  felled,  shaped  at  the  ends, 
rounded  at  the  sides,  and  dug  out  in  the  middle.  It  oscillated 
dangerously,  and  as  we  entered  the  canoe  it  wobbled  so  badly 
that  we  expected  every  moment  the  light  craft  would  turn 
turtle  and  precipitate  us  into  the  water,  so  we  embarked  very 
gingerly,  and  when  we  were  seated  along  the  bottom  of  the 
canoe,  we  bade  the  men  to  take  their  paddles. 

We  had  not  proceeded  more  than  a few  hundred  yards  from 
our  launch — which  we  now  began  to  regard  with  affection,  and 
as  a very  fortress  of  security  compared  to  our  unsteady  canoe — 
when  we  saw  on  the  bank  ahead  of  us  some  five  hippopotami 
making  for  the  river.  For  two  days  we  had  been  sitting  with 
our  guns  to  hand  on  the  lookout  for  these  creatures,  and  had 
not  seen  a single  one ; and  when  we  had  no  desire  to  meet  them 
there  were  five  too  near  to  be  pleasant.  We  shouted  and 
made  a noise,  hoping  to  frighten  them  back  to  the  bush,  but  in 
sheer  hippo  obstinacy  they  continued  their  course  to  the  river. 


22 


MEET  SOME  HIPPOPOTAMI 


and  plunged  with  much  grunting  and  tremendous  splashes  into 
the  water  right  in  front  of  their  noses,  and  in  front  of  our 
canoe.  What  waves  they  made  ! Eight  tons  of  living,  reckless 
flesh  churning  about  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a frail  bark  give 
the  occupants  a peculiar  flutter  about  the  heart.  We  expected 
every  moment  to  be  lifted  by  one  of  the  brutes  and  thi’own 
headlong  into  the  river.  Our  men  paddled  hard  to  pass 
quickly  the  dangerous  spot,  and  as  our  canoe  bounded  forward, 
one  hippopotamus  came  snorting  up  on  one  side,  and  another 
came  snorting  up  on  the  other  side  and  stared  at  us  with 
watery  eyes  a few  fathoms  off,  but  fortunately  none  came  under 
us  or  at  us,  and  after  more  than  two  hours  of  hard  paddling  we 
were  not  sorry  to  hear  the  bottom  of  the  canoe  grate  on 
Musuku  beach.  The  men  received  their  eight  handkerchiefs 
and  went  off  delighted ; and  we  were  heartily  welcomed  by 
Mr.  Crudgington,  who  had  charge  of  the  B.M.S.  Station  at 
Musuku.  After  a day  or  so  the  “ captain  ” returned  to  his 
steamer,  and  by  the  help  of  a sail  and  the  current  the  launch 
returned  to  Banana. 

While  at  Musuku  I had  my  first  taste  of  malarial  fever,  the 
prelude  to  a very  intimate  acquaintance  with  that  malady.  My 
temperature  on  this  first  occasion  rose  to  106'4 ; and  the 
discomforts  of  the  fever,  the  disagreeable  conditions  in  which  I 
had  to  bear  it,  and  the  nauseating  effects  of  the  large  doses  of 
quinine  that  I was  compelled  to  swallow,  remain  with  me  to 
this  day.  At  that  time  quinine  could  only  be  bought  loose  at 
22^.  per  ounce.  There  were  no  tabloids,  no  coated  pills,  no 
ovoid  gelatine  capsules,  nor  any  other  form  by  which  to  render 
it  more  pleasant  to  a weak  stomach.  We  tried  it  in  con- 
densed milk,  in  coffee,  in  Liebig’s  Extract,  and  in  cigarette 
paper,  but  its  bitterness  could  not  be  disguised.  One  in- 
ventive genius  hit  on  the  expedient  of  making  the  powder  into 
pills  with  tinct.  perchloride  of  iron.  He  certainly  made  pills 
that  had  no  nauseating  effect,  for  they  would  not  dissolve  in  the 
stomach ; and  it  was  seriously  proposed  to  use  the  remainder 
in  lieu  of  shot — they  were  hard  enough. 

Musuku  had  not  been  occupied  many  months.  The  house. 


SITUATION  OF  MUSUKU 


23 


stores,  and  necessary  offices  were  of  bamboo  walls  and  grass 
roofs.  The  ground  was  hard,  and  unsuitable  for  kitchen 
gardens.  Huge  boulders  and  stones  of  vai’ious  sizes  were 
strewn  about  the  place,  reflecting  the  heat,  and  rendering  path- 
making almost  impossible.  The  view  from  the  station  was 
magnificent.  There  in  front  was  a vast  stretch  of  boiling, 
bubbling,  swirling  water  that  narrowed  into  a channel,  at  the 
end  of  which  the  hills  about  Boma  could  be  distinctly  seen  on 
a clear  day.  In  the  near  distance  were  the  high  lands  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river;  and  looking  up-river  one  could  see 
Diamond  Rock  standing  almost  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  and 
the  waters  that  flowed  by  a thousand  towns  in  the  far  interior 
struck  against  it,  and  failing  to  tear  it  from  its  grip,  eddied 
around  it,  and  raging  at  its  vain  endeavour,  passed  on  with 
increased  fury.  And  away  as  a background  to  the  rock  were 
the  hills  of  Noqui,  that  ran  at  such  an  angle  that  they  appeared 
to  landlock  the  river  and  turn  it  into  a great  lake ; and 
behind  the  station  were  hills  that  seemed  to  bar  the  way  to 
the  hinterland,  and  stand  as  sentinels  over  its  hidden  and 
fascinating  mysteries. 


CHAPTER  II 


JOURNEY  TO  SAN  SALVADOR 

IT  was  arranged  by  my  colleagues  that  I should  commence 
my  missionary  life  at  San  Salvador,  the  capital  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Kongo,  which  is  situated  eighty  odd  miles 
south-east  of  Musuku — about  five  days’  journey.  As  Mr. 
Hartland  was  returning  to  San  Salvador  to  pack  his  belongings 
and  settle  his  accounts  prior  to  working  on  the  main  river,  it 
was  thought  desirable,  although  I had  not  fully  regained  my 
strength  after  my  first  bout  with  malarial  fever,  that  I should 
accompany  him  rather  than  take  the  journey  alone. 

There  were  no  vehicles  of  any  kind  on  that  road,  so  we  had  to 
use  on  the  journey  an  animal  well  known  as  Shanks’  pony — 
a willing  steed,  but  not  always  equal  to  the  demands  made  upon 
it  in  such  a country.  There  were  neither  hotels  nor  restaurants, 
consequently  we  had  to  take  with  us  all  the  provisions,  &c., 
we  needed  for  the  road.  In  one  trunk  we  packed  a few  clothes, 
into  another  we  put  rice  and  tins  of  provisions,  a third  we 
filled  with  knives,  looking-glasses,  bells,  beads,  cloth,  &c. — 
this  was  our  purse,  containing  the  money  with  which  we  were 
to  pay  our  way  : for  if  I had  gone  into  a village  and  had 
offered  a native  woman  a sovereign  for  a fowl  she  would  have 
said,  “ Here  is  a foolish  white  man  offering  me  a brass  button 
without  holes  for  a fine  fowl ! ” but  when  we  presented  a 
looking-glass  or  a knife,  she  was  only  too  delighted  to  exchange 
her  fowl  for  either  of  them,  hence  the  need  of  taking  a box  of 
barter  goods  with  us.  We  tied  our  blankets,  mosquito  curtain, 
camp-bedstead,  and  pillows  in  a bundle  and  wrapped  a water- 
proof sheet  round  them  to  keep  the  things  dry  ; and  in  a bath 
we  arranged  our  pots  and  pans,  our  kettle  and  frying-pan,  our 
knives  and  forks,  cups  and  saucers,  and  in  fact  all  the  articles 


NATURE  OF  THE  PATHS 


25 


we  required  for  cooking  and  eating  our  food.  When  these 
and  various  other  loads  had  been  prepared  we  called  the  carriers, 
who,  placing  them  upon  their  heads  or  shoulders,  started  with 
us  on  the  road  to  San  Salvador. 

Now  when  a road  is  mentioned  in  England,  we  instantly 
think  of  a wide  place  upon  which  navvies  have  laboured,  and 
over  which  steam  rollers  have  passed,  making  them  pleasant 
for  travelling;  but  when  we  speak  of  a road  on  the  Congo 
we  mean  a narrow  path  about  eight  or  ten  inches  wide,  winding 
like  a narrow  brownish  ribbon  in  and  out  of  the  country, 
going  over  the  tops  of  the  hills  and  dipping  down  into  the 
valleys,  and  losing  itself  in  the  sti-eams  and  swamps ; and 
the  strong  tropical  rains  have  poured  down  on  this  track, 
washing  the  loose  dirt  out  of  it,  leaving  only  the  stones 
sticking  up.  For  miles  on  either  side  of  these  narrow  roads 
was  tall,  stout  grass  from  ten  to  fifteen  feet  high,  and  the 
playful  wind  blowing  the  grass  about  interlocked  it  in  such 
a clinging  embrace  that  the  traveller  had  to  go  with  his  arms 
up  to  force  his  way,  and  to  keep  the  grass  from  cutting  his 
face  or  poking  into  his  eyes. 

More  than  once  I had  in  my  San  Salvador  journey  a strong 
“ Kroo-boy,”  a part  of  whose  duty  it  was  to  carry  me  over  the 
many  streams  and  swamps  that  crossed  the  path.  His  name 
was  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  I do  not  know  how  he  came  by 
the  name ; but  the  first  time  I met  him  I asked  him  his  name 
and  he  replied  in  “ Kroo-boy  ” English,  “ My  name,  Massa,  be 
Napoleon  Bonaparte.”  Sometimes  Napoleon  would  have  me 
upon  his  shoulders,  flying-angel  fashion,  in  the  middle  of  a 
river,  and  feeling  the  rush  of  water  against  his  legs  he  would 
begin  to  quake  and  say,  “ Massa,  I no  fit  for  carry  you,  I go 
let  you  fall;”  and  I would  reply,  “Napoleon,  I fit  for  give 
you  one  cup  of  rice  suppose  you  no  drop  me.”  He  would  then 
carefully  take  a few  more  paces,  and  feeling  the  swirl  of  water 
more  strongly  about  his  legs,  and  the  stones  slipping  beneath 
his  feet,  he  would  nervously  call  out  in  his  curious  English, 
“ Massa,  Massa,  I no  fit,  I bound  for  let  you  fall.”  Napoleon 
often  received  from  me  the  promise  of  two  or  three  cups  of 


26 


REACHING  A VILLAGE 


rice  to  steady  him,  before  he  landed  me  high  and  dry  upon 
the  further  bank.  At  times  we  were  not  so  fortunate,  then 
both  of  us  went  down  into  the  water,  and  we  congratulated 
ourselves  when  it  was  a stream,  and  not  a nasty,  muddy 
swamp. 

After  climbing  up  and  down  steep  hills,  pushing  through 
tall,  entangled  grass,  traversing  plateaus,  and  crossing  streams, 
rivers,  and  swamps  for  four  or  five  hours  with  the  strong 
tropical  sun  pouring  down  his  fierce  rays  upon  us,  we  were 
glad  to  hear  that  the  next  village  we  reached  was  the  place 
where  we  were  to  spend  the  night.  Crossing  a stream  of 
sparkling  water,  and  winding  through  some  cassava  farms,  we 
entered  the  village,  and  our  carriers,  selecting  the  largest  hut 
they  could  see,  put  down  their  loads  outside  of  it,  and  went  in 
search  of  the  owner,  and  said  to  him,  “ W e have  brought  some 
white  men  into  your  village,  and  their  goods  are  now  outside 
your  door  ; will  you  lend  them  your  house  for  the  night  ? ” 

The  native  owner  was  very  hospitable,  and  was  quite 
willing  to  lend  his  house  to  the  passing  travellers ; so  calling 
two  or  three  of  his  wives  he  told  them  to  sweep  the  house 
and  hand  it  over  to  us.  The  woman  came  with  their  native- 
made  brooms,  and  pushing  together  the  rubbish  of  many  days, 
they  carried  it  away,  and  after  removing  their  mats,  saucepans, 
and  anything  else  they  would  require  for  the  night,  they  told 
us  the  hut  was  ready.  A native  after  he  has  lent  his  hut  does 
not  care  to  enter  it  again  until  it  is  properly  handed  back, 
and  should  he  need  to  do  so  through  having  forgotten  some- 
thing he  asks  permission  with  many  apologies.  The  hut 
lent  was  small,  but  it  answered  our  purpose  admirably.  In 
the  morning  we  returned  our  goods  to  their  various  bundles 
and  boxes,  leaving  out  a penny  looking-glass  and  two  yards  of 
calico,  which  we  presented  to  the  owner  of  the  house  in  acknow- 
ledgment of  his  courtesy  to  us ; and  he  on  receiving  the  articles 
clapped  his  hands  and  made  a little  speech  of  thanks — the 
clapping  of  the  hands  was  the  usual  part  of  the  ordinary  mode 
of  thanking  a person. 

I had  always  read  about  white  men  leading  their  caravans, 


SusPicNsiON  Bridge  over  the  River  Ambriz 


1 


THE  WET  JUNGLE 


27 


and  being  now  in  a new  country  I placed  myself  at  the  head 
of  the  carriers,  and  pushed  forward  through  the  tall  grass, 
which  at  5.30  a.m.  was  heavy  with  dew,  and  as  I forged 
through  it  shaking  the  grass,  the  dew  fell  on  me  in  showers, 
and  soon  my  helmet  and  clothes  were  soaking  wet,  and  the 
water  was  quelching  in  my  boots.  The  Congos  have  a proverb 
the  translation  of  which  runs  thus;  “Foolishness  comes  first 
and  wisdom  afterwards.”  I had  learned  my  lesson,  so  the  next 
morning,  instead  of  preceding  the  men,  I stayed  behind  with 
my  colleague  until  the  last  carrier  had  left  our  night’s  quarters ; 
and  the  men  thus  going  first  knocked  against  the  grass,  shook 
off  the  dew,  and  left  behind  a comparatively  dry  road  for  us. 
And  it  made  very  little  difference  to  the  men,  for  they  wore 
so  little  cloth  that,  half  an  hour  after  the  sun  rose  above  the 
hill-tops,  they  were  absolutely  dry,  whereas  we,  with  our 
superfluity  of  clothes,  would  have  been  more  or  less  damp  and 
uncomfortable  most  of  the  day. 

After  five  days  of  such-like  travelling  I was  glad  to  have 
pointed  to  me  from  the  top  of  a hill  the  mission  station  of  San 
Salvador  in  the  distance.  As  we  approached  the  town  we 
found  that  the  people  had  heard  of  our  coming,  for  they  were 
lining  either  side  of  the  naiTow  road  to  give  us  a welcome.  As 
we  passed  up  between  them  they  pushed  back  with  their  backs 
the  tall  grass  to  make  a way  for  us,  and  shooting  out  their 
hands  they  gripped  ours,  saying : “ Kaiyisi  Mundele  ! Kaiyisi 
Mundele  ! ” (Welcome  white  man  ! Welcome  white  man  !)  We 
passed  quickly  between  the  greeting,  excited  lines  of  black 
folk  and  entered  the  mission-house,  and  the  natives  came 
crowding  in  behind  us,  and  standing  on  tiptoe  and  with 
outstretched  necks  they  peered  over  one  another’s  shoulders 
to  stare  at  the  new  arrival : for  a new  white  man  to  a central 
African  town  is  like  a circus  to  an  English  village — every  one 
turns  out  to  gaze  at  the  sight ; and  as  they  stood  looking  at 
me  they  passed  remarks  on  my  personal  appearance,  and 
selected  my  physical  peculiarities  for  special  attention.  There 
were  allusions  to  my  youthful  appearance,  to  my  neck  and 
nose,  and  the  absence  of  a beard,  &c.  Of  course  I was  unable 


28 


GENIAL  NATIVES 


to  understand  them,  but  my  colleagues  were  only  too  delighted 
to  give  a very  literal  translation  of  the  observations  none  too 
quietly  passed  by  the  facetious  onlookers. 

By  and  by  the  crowd  parted,  and  I saw  a couple  of  lads 
struggling  bravely  with  a pig,  which  after  much  trouble  they 
brought  to  me  and  said,  “ The  King  has  heard  of  the  arrival 
of  the  new  white  man,  and  he  does  not  want  him  to  complain 
of  hunger,  so  he  has  sent  you  this  pig  to  remove  your  hunger 
after  the  long  journey.” 

I looked  down  ruefully  at  the  squalling,  struggling  pig, 
wondering  what  it  was  all  about;  but  one  of  my  colleagues 
translated  the  speech  to  me,  answered  it  on  my  behalf,  and 
accepted  the  dirty,  squeaking  animal  in  my  name.  I was  a 
Londoner,  and  had  never  owned  a pig  in  all  my  life  before, 
and  scarcely  knew  what  to  do  with  such  a creature ; hence  I was 
not  sorry  when  two  of  the  school  lads  removed  it  from  the 
house,  and  promised  to  look  after  it,  in  the  hope  of  one  day 
eating  a fair  share  of  it.  Two  days  after  my  arrival  I went 
down  with  another  fever,  reaching  a temperature  of  106'5 ; but 
it  is  not  my  purpose  to  record  fevers,  and  let  me  say  once 
for  all  that  the  highest  temperature  I ever  had  during  my 
long  life  on  the  Congo  was  107‘4,  and  I had  not  the  slightest 
ambition  to  go  higher  than  that. 

Although  the  road  was  narrow,  rough,  and  hilly,  the 
swamps  disgusting  to  eyes  and  nose,  the  streams  numerous  and 
very  wet — especially  when  one  fell  into  them,  with  all  his  clothes 
on,  from  the  shoulders  of  a tall  Kroo-boy — yet  I have  very 
pleasant  memories  of  the  various  journeys  I took  in  the  early 
years  over  that  road.  For  as  I became  acquainted  with  the 
language  I found  my  personal  lads  and  carriers  no  mean  com- 
panions. Their  ready  sympathy  when  you  fell  into  a stream ; 
their  hearty,  good-natured  laughter  at  your  and  their  own 
mi.shaps  ; their  genial  chatter,  the  stories  they  told,  the  country 
gossip  they  recounted,  and  the  conundrums  they  propounded, 
all  helped  to  shorten  the  journey,  and  smooth  the  stony  road. 

A day’s  journey  was  from  15  to  20  miles,  or  from  six  to 
eight  hours.  The  usual  hour  for  starting  was  about  5.30  a.m., 


ALL  THE  TOWN  AGOG 


29 


and  by  the  time  we  halted  for  lunch  between  11  and  12  a.m. 
the  greater  part  of  the  journey  for  the  day  was  over.  What 
grateful  rests  they  were  beneath  the  pleasant  shade  of  some 
trees  by  a gurgling,  sparkling  stream ! Down  went  the  loads 
with  a sigh  of  relief,  and  looping  their  cloths  in  their  belts, 
the  carriers  went  up-stream,  and  after  carefully  washing  their 
hands  and  mouths,  the  men  stooped  and  threw  the  water  into 
their  mouths  with  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand,  or  putting 
their  hands  together,  little  finger  to  little  finger,  they  dipped 
up  the  water,  and  drank  it  with  their  lips  placed  between  the 
thumbs.  Some  of  the  carriers  would  be  too  exhausted  to  do 
more  than  drop  their  loads  and  stretch  themselves  on  the 
ground,  and  these  would  beg  for  a drink  from  their  stronger 
comrades — a request  never  refused,  no  matter  how  near  or  far 
the  stream  might  be  from  the  encampment. 

The  town  at  which  a white  man  and  his  caravan  spent  the 
night  was  always  agog  with  excitement.  There  was  the 
bartering  for  food,  the  haggling  about  the  price  of  the  cassava, 
the  plantain,  or  the  peanuts  offered  for  sale,  and  the  worth  of 
the  trade  goods  offered  in  exchange ; the  interchange  of  news ; 
but  the  greatest  of  all  interest  to  the  local  natives  centred  in 
the  newly  arrived  white  man.  The  inhabitants  of  the  village 
formed  a semi-circle  round  the  front  of  his  borrowed  hut,  and 
watched  his  every  movement.  He  strips  oflp  his  jacket,  turns 
down  the  collar  round  his  neck,  and  rolls  up  his  shirt-sleeves 
preparatory  to  a wash;  and  there  are  audible  remarks  about 
the  whiteness  of  his  skin.  They  eye  him  critically  at  his 
toilet.  “ What  is  that  stuff  he  is  rubbing  on  his  hands  ? ” asks 
one  ignoramus. 

“ That,”  replies  a much-travelled  man,  “ is  what  they  call 
soap  (zabau,  Portuguese  sabdo);  see  what  a lather  it  makes.” 
And  there  is  much  amused  contempt  in  his  tones  as  he  gives 
the  bit  of  information  to  the  untravelled  folk  in  his  village. 

The  ablutions  are  finished  and  the  white  man  is  now  drying 
himself,  and  while  two  or  three  spectators  are  passing  remarks 
on  the  using  of  so  good  a cloth  (towel)  for  such  a purpose,  a 
woman  on  the  outskirts  of  the  ci*owd  asks,  “ Is  that  all  he  is 


30  CHATTER  ROUND  THE  FIRES 


going  to  wash  ? Why,  we  wash  all  over ! ” and  there  is  disdain 
mingled  with  disappointment  as  she  puts  the  question,  and  a 
suggestion  that  the  white  man  is  not  so  clean  as  he  might  be. 
The  white  man’s  boy  does  not  like  the  query  in  the  tone,  and 
as  his  honour  is  bound  up  with  his  master’s,  he  informs  the 
crowd  generally  that  his  master  baths  regularly  in  his  own 
town.  The  woman  is  answered,  and  the  public  receives  an 
interesting  item  of  information,  which,  by  and  by,  is  distri- 
buted among  the  neighbouring  villages,  and  the  white  man’s 
reputation  for  cleanliness  is  saved. 

About  6 p.M.  the  sun  has  sunk  to  rest,  and  as  the  evening 
grows  darker  the  fires  along  the  village  street  burn  brighter, 
and  around  each  fire  little  crowds  gather,  the  younger  members 
of  which  pass  the  time  in  laughter  and  chatter,  and  the  older 
ones  talk  over  the  day’s  doings  and  the  politics  of  the  country- 
side. Outside  the  white  man’s  house  is  also  a blazing  fire, 
around  which  his  personal  boys  and  carriers  are  sitting.  The 
white  man  has  arranged  with  his  capita  (head  carrier)  where 
they  are  to  lunch  and  sleep  on  the  morrow.  All  the  carriers 
have  a say  in  the  matter,  for  have  they  not  to  caiTy  loads 
weighing  from  50  lbs.  to  70  lbs.  each  according  to  their  pay  ? 
And  a caravan  must  not  go  faster  than  its  slowest  unit,  or  walk 
farther  in  a day  than  its  weakest  member  can  reach  before 
sunset ; otherwise  the  white  man  may  find  himself  at  night 
minus  his  bed  and  mosquito  curtain,  or  his  case  of  provisions, 
which  has  happened  more  than  once ; therefore  a white  man 
on  the  road  does  well  to  consult  his  men  about  the  next  day’s 
journey. 

One  perennial  theme  of  discussion  among  the  carriers 
around  the  evening  fire  was  the  following  query : If  I send  a 
boy  to  the  market  to  buy  some  meat  (mbiji),  and  there  are 
fowls  only  for  sale,  should  he  buy  a fowl,  or  return  and  say 
there  is  no  meat  at  the  market  ? The  party  was  sure  to  split 
on  this  question.  There  was  no  word  for  poultry  in  the 
language.  Some  would  contend  that  fowl  was  meat  (mbiji), 
others  would  insist  that  by  meat  was  meant  buffaloes,  cattle, 
goats,  sheep,  antelopes,  &c.,  and  “ not  things  with  feathers  on 


CARRIERS’  TALK 


31 


them.”  Their  gesticulations  were  energetic,  their  voices  raised, 
their  tones  threatening,  and  to  one  not  used  to  them  they 
appeared  to  be  on  the  verge  of  a tremendous  fight ; but  some- 
one would  advance  an  absurd  argument,  and  they  would  all 
burst  out  laughing  at  him,  adjourn  the  debate,  and  rolling 
themselves  in  their  mats,  they  were  soon  grunting  in  sleep. 

Another  conundrum  often  propounded  and  never  answered 
to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties  was  thus  stated : If  there  were 
an  antelope  grazing  on  a neighbouring  hill,  and  one  man 
pointed  his  finger  at  it  and  the  animal  dropped  dead,  and 
another  man  glanced  at  it  and  the  creature  fell  dead,  who  was 
the  stronger  person  of  the  two — the  one  who  glanced  or  the  one 
who  pointed  his  finger.?  The  party  would  divide  on  this 
problem : some  argued  in  favour  of  the  one  who  looked  and 
others  backed  up  the  one  who  pointed ; and  as  the  white 
traveller  never  had  the  same  gang  of  carriers  twice,  he  would, 
among  his  changing  sets  of  men,  find  these  questions  constantly 
recurring.  They  were  about  as  profitable  as  the  wearisome 
discussions  of  the  old  schoolmen  as  to  “ How  many  angels  can 
stand  on  the  point  of  a needle  F ” or  “ Do  angels  in  leaving  one 
place  and  arriving  at  another  have  to  pass  through  the  inter- 
vening place  ? ” 

The  Congo  Railway  is  a thin  line  connecting  the  Lower 
Congo  at  Matadi  with  the  Upper  Congo  at  Stanley  Pool,  and 
is  of  incalculable  advantage  to  all  the  white  men  at  and  above 
Stanley  Pool;  but  to  reach  our  stations  at  San  Salvador, 
Kibokolo,  and  Mabaya  in  Portuguese  Congo  the  railway  is  of 
little  or  no  help  ; and  the  mode  of  travelling  to  San  Salvador 
is  much  the  same  as  it  was  thirty  years  ago.  The  tsetse  fly 
forbids  the  use  of  horses,  riding  oxen,  and  mules ; and  although 
we  have  introduced  the  donkey,  its  life  is  very  precarious,  and 
consequently  the  cost  is  almost  prohibitive. 


CHAPTER  III 


SAN  SALVADOR 

The  town  of  San  Salvador  is  situated  on  a plateau  184<0 
feet  above  the  sea.  The  stone  ruins  of  a cathedral, 
a monastery,  and  a fortress  bear  silent  witness  to  the 
days  when  Portuguese  Roman  Catholics  were  dominant  during 
the  sixteenth  century,  both  in  the  town  and  the  district  round. 
Occasionally,  when  turning  over  the  soil  in  our  garden,  we  came 
across  the  broken  pieces  of  old  iron  bombs,  probable  tokens  of 
the  exchange  of  doubtful  courtesies  that  passed  between  the 
Portuguese  and  the  Dutch,  who  in  those  far-off  days  contended 
for  the  supremacy  of  the  African  coasts  and  hinterlands.^  In 
these  pages  it  is  my  purpose  to  give,  as  briefly  as  possible,  an 
account  of  what  I saw  at  San  Salvador  thirty  years  ago,  and 
have  observed  since,  of  the  system  of  government,  and  the 
election  of  King,  nobles,  and  chiefs. 

An  hour  or  so  after  my  arrival  at  San  Salvador  in  February 
1882,  I received  the  compliments  of  the  King,  an  expression  of 
his  goodwill,  and  a proof  of  his  welcome  in  the  shape  of  a pig, 
to  which  I have  already  referred.^  The  pig  was  sent  ostensibly 
“ to  remove  my  hunger,”  but  so  far  as  the  hunger  was  con- 
cerned there  was  no  need  for  the  pig,  for  the  chief  of  every 
town  in  which  we  slept,  or  even  I’ested,  during  our  five  days’ 
journey,  was  desirous  of  presenting  Mr.  Hartland  and  myself 

' Those  who  desire  to  study  the  ancient  Kingdom  of  Kongo  should 
read  Duarte  Lopez’s  account,  written  by  Pigafetta  in  Rome,  1591,  after  a 
residence  of  twelve  years  in  the  country,  and  also  the  accounts  of  Bastian, 
Burton,  Bentley,  Grandy  and  others,  who  give  more  or  less  lengthy 
sketches  of  the  history  of  the  town,  taken  from  the  writings  of  the  Portu- 
guese priests.  See  plate  facing  p.  32,  and  also  Appendix,  Note  I,  p.  305, 
for  ancient  marks  on  rocks. 

® See  p.  28. 


32 


Inscrip  HON  on  Rocks  above  Matadi 


KING’S  NAME 


33 


with  a goat  “ to  take  away  our  hunger,”  as  they  put  it,  but 
in  reality  to  receive  a return  present,  which  was  always  expected 
to  be  two  or  three  times  the  value  of  the  goat.  We  often 
begged  them  to  keep  their  goats,  and,  if  that  was  not  successful 
in  damping  their  ardour  “to  remove  our  hunger,”  we  then 
told  them  of  the  smallness  of  the  present  they  would  receive 
as  a return  “ dash,”  and  that  never  failed. 

With  the  King,  however,  it  was  different.  We  had  come 
to  live  in  his  town,  and  it  would  have  been  an  insult  to  us 
if  he  had  not  recognised  our  arrival  by  the  present  of  a pig — 
a goat  from  him  to  us  would  have  been  too  common  for  the 
purpose  of  showing  due  respect.  The  opportunity  was  taken, 
when  presents  of  this  kind  were  made,  to  give  good  return 
“ dashes,”  for  we  had  our  land  free,  we  paid  neither  rent, 
taxes,  or  tribute  to  the  King,  and  no  levy  was  made  on  us  for 
our  use  of  the  natives  as  workmen  and  carriers,  beyond  their 
ordinary  pay ; and  the  King  guarded  our  interests,  and  judged 
and  punished  all  who  robbed  us  if  the  circumstances  demanded 
an  appeal  to  him.  It  was,  therefore,  not  only  right,  but  wise, 
that  we  should  recognise  the  King’s  position,  and  his  kindly 
attitude  towards  us,  by  showing  generosity  in  our  occasional 
presents  to  him. 

The  day  after  our  arrival  my  colleagues  arranged  for  my 
presentation  to  Dom  Pedro  V,  “ Ntotela,  Ntinu  a Kongo"  i.e. 
Emperor,  King  of  Congo,  whose  personal  name  was  Eklo,  and 
whose  sobriquet,  he  afterwards  informed  me,  was  “ weni  w' 
ezulu"  or  The  great  one  of  heaven.^ 

A short  time  before  we  were  ready,  we  sent  to  ask  an 
audience  of  the  King,  a ceremony  never  omitted  even  when  we 
became  more  intimately  acquainted  with  him.  Our  messenger 
soon  returned  to  inform  us  that  the  King  was  willing  to  receive 
us.  The  pig  given  the  day  before  was  worth  three  or  four 
pieces  of  cloth,  but  we  selected  ten  pieces  of  what  my  colleagues 
thought  he  would  like,  and  wrapped  them  in  a piece  of  calico. 
A lad  carried  the  bundle  in  front  of  us  as  we  made  our  way 
to  the  centre  of  the  town  where  the  King’s  enclosure  was 

^ See  Appendix,  Note  II,  for  a list  of  the  Kings  of  Congo. 

c 


34 


CEREMONIAL  VISIT 


situated.  We  passed  between  high  grass  fences  to  the  “judg- 
ing place  ” {mhaji  a Tcongo)  in  the  middle  of  the  town,  where 
a huge,  wide-spreading  tree  was  growing,  beneath  the  shade 
of  which  all  important  palavers  were  held;  and  crossing  this 
town  square  we  came  to  the  first  entrance  to  the  King’s 
enclosure  (lumbu),  which  we  found  to  be  a miniature  maze, 
as  we  had  to  negotiate  four  fences  before  we  arrived  at  the 
central  space  where  the  King’s  house  stood. 

On  entering  the  first  opening  in  the  fence  we  turned  to  the 
left,  then  to  the  right,  then  to  the  right  again,  and  found 
another  opening ; then  by  turning  once  to  the  right  and  twice 
to  the  left  we  worked  our  way  back  to  a position  near  the 
first  entrance,  where  we  discovered  the  third  doorway  in  the 
fence ; then  turning  to  the  left  and  again  to  the  right  there 
was  the  entrance  leading  into  the  courtyard  immediately  in 
front  of  the  King’s  house.  There  was  a 5-feet  pathway  between 
the  fences.  At  the  last  entrance  we  sent  a lad  to  inform  the 
King  that  we  were  now  near  his  house.  After  waiting  a few 
minutes  we  received  permission  to  advance,  and  found  ourselves 
in  an  open  space  about  15  by  20  yards,  with  the  front  door 
of  the  “ palace  ” opposite  us.  The  King’s  house  was  large  as 
native  houses  went,  being  about  18  feet  wide  by  25  feet  long. 
The  walls  were  of  closely-fitting  planks,  and  the  roof  of 
ordinary  thatching-grass.  Along  one  wall  was  a high,  wide 
shelf  covered  with  ewers,  wash-hand  basins,  decanters,  jugs, 
mugs,  vases,  and  gaudily-painted  china  images — the  profits  of 
trading,  and  presents  from  chiefs  and  others.  Beneath  the 
shelf  were  various  trunks,  undoubtedly  full  of  trade  cloth  and 
other  treasures ; and  I afterwards  learned  that  the  King’s  bed- 
room was  next  to  the  reception-room,  and  beyond  that  the 
houses  for  his  numerous  wives. 

We  found  the  King  sitting  on  a wicker  sofa,  and  after 
shaking  hands  with  him  and  receiving  his  welcome  we  sat  on 
three  European  chairs  that  had  been  placed  for  us  in  front  of 
his  majesty,  and  the  lad  put  the  bundle  of  cloth  at  our  feet. 
A little  conversation  then  ensued  about  our  journey,  health, 
and  several  small  matters,  then  thanks  were  given  for  the  pig 


KING’S  GREED  FOR  CLOTH 


35 


sent  “ to  remove  our  hunger,”  and  my  colleague,  with  a smile, 
made  a sly  reference  to  the  King’s  chronic  “ hunger  for  cloth,” 
the  return  present  was  made,  each  piece  of  cloth  being  slowly 
turned  over,  the  King  meanwhile  feasting  his  eyes  on  them  and 
counting  the  pieces.  He  thanked  us  for  our  fine  present, 
expressed  his  pleasure  at  seeing  the  new  white  man,  hoped  he 
would  have  good  health,  &c,,  and,  shaking  hands  again,  we 
bade  each  other  good-bye  and  departed.  He  was  both  hearty 
and  dignified  in  his  welcome  and  behaviour. 

On  walking  about  the  town  I found  that  all  the  headmen 
had  fences  round  their  houses — not  so  elaborate  as  the  King’s, 
but  single  fences  with  grass-covered  gates,  so  that  passers  by 
could  not  spy  upon  their  privacy.  Each  enclosure  contained 
all  the  houses  belonging  to  the  headman  owning  the  place — 
a house  for  himself,  a house  for  each  of  his  wives,  houses  for  his 
slaves,  and  very  often  a visitor’s  house.  Children  lived  with 
their  mothers,  but  when  a boy  reached  the  age  of  twelve  he 
went  to  the  bachelor’s  house  or  club  {nzo  a toko,  or  nzo 
a mhongi).  Ordinary  folk  had  no  enclosure ; their  houses 
abutted  the  roads  and  paths,  and  all  they  did  was  open  to 
the  full  view  of  any  passer  by. 

In  1859  the  King  of  Kongo  was  known  as  the  Marquis  of 
Katende,  and  as  such  he  visited  the  Portuguese  to  ask  for 
priests  to  bury  his  predecessor  and  to  crown  himself  as  King.^ 
He  was  then  “ a handsome,  stout,  middle-aged  man,  with  a 
very  much  better  caste  of  countenance  than  is  usual  among  the 
Congos.”^  When  I first  met  him  in  1882  he  was  about  6 feet 
4 inches  in  height,  very  stout,  being  60  inches  round  the  waist, 
and  his  face  badly  pitted  with  the  smallpox.  He  was  un- 
gainly and  awkward  in  his  walk  and  movements  by  reason  of 
his  obesity ; he  was  crafty  in  his  policy,  cunning  in  his  dealings 
with  others,  and  always  sharp  enough  to  play  one  party  off 
against  another  to  his  own  advantage.  He  was  good-humoured, 
enjoyed  a joke  even  at  his  own  expense,  and  was  ever  ready 
to  give  or  take  a proverb  that  half  concealed  a streak  of 


* Monteiro’s  Angola,  vol.  i.  211. 


“ Ibid.  217. 


36  RESTRAINING  INFLUENCES 

raillery.  Personally  I have  none  but  pleasant  memories  of 
him. 

There  were  many  rumours  of  his  cruelty  and  blood- 
thirstiness. He  murdered  his  own  mother  in  the  following 
manner : He  had  a hole  dug  and  put  a mat  over  it,  and  then 

invited  her  to  sit  down,  and  when  the  mat  gave  way  beneath 
her  weight,  and  she  fell  into  the  hole,  he  stood  by  while  she  was 
buried  alive  by  his  orders.  Since  that  time  no  one  will  sit  on 
a mat  without  first  looking  under  it  or  removing  it  to  another 
place.  Whatever  he  was  previously,  the  desire  to  be  well 
thought  of  by  the  white  men  living  in  his  town,  and,  strange 
as  it  may  seem,  by  Queen  Victoria,  had  a restraining  influence 
on  him,  and  deterred  him  from  committing  many  a cruel, 
savage  deed.  How  frequently  he  asked  me  what  Queen 
Victoria  thought  of  him,  and  how  often  he  begged  me  to 
write  her  on  his  behalf  to  send  his  greetings  to  her ! He 
never  would  believe  that  such  a letter  would  not  reach  Her 
Gracious  Majesty,  and  I never  humoured  him,  as  I had  more 
than  a suspicion  that  it  was  not  a letter  in  reply  that  he 
desired  but  a rich  present.  Again  and  again  he  said  to  those 
who  offended  him,  “ I would  kill  you  but  for  the  white  men,” 
or,  “ but  for  Queen  Victoria.”  He  was  a strange  mixture  of 
good  and  evil : full  of  desires  for  the  right,  and  of  strong,  over- 
mastering inclinations  to  the  wrong.  He  was  superstitious  to 
the  last  degree,  his  movements  were  controlled  by  omens,  and 
he  lived  in  constant  fear  of  being  bewitched.  He  had  a stone 
given  him  by  a priest,  and  he  was  told  by  the  said  priest  that 
he  was  to  lick  the  stone  every  morning,  for  he  would  not  die 
until  the  stone  was  worn  away  by  his  tongue.  He  died  on 
February  14,  1891,  having  reigned  about  thirty-two  years. 

When  a King  of  Kongo  died  it  was  the  custom  for  the  head- 
men of  the  town  to  say  for  many  months  that  he  was  only  ill. 
When  the  secret  of  his  death  could  no  longer  be  kept,  it  was 
announced,  and  the  body  was  buried  with  due  honours.  There- 
upon the  powerful  chiefs  of  the  surrounding  district  fought 
for  the  throne,  and  the  strongest  took  it. 

The  conqueror  went  to  the  town  of  the  former  King — San 


KING’S  CRAFTINESS 


37 


Salvador,  which  was  always  neutral — with  his  family,  relatives, 
followers,  and  slaves,  and,  taking  possession  of  it,  he  sat  in  the 
King’s  chair,  appropriated  his  staff  of  office,  and  in  fact  became 
King.  Of  all  his  predecessor’s  possessions  the  new  King 
received  only  the  staff*  (mpangu),  as  it  was  the  insignia  of 
his  kingship,  and  was  regarded  as  the  property  of  him  who 
captured  the  royal  office.  It  was  believed  that  their  kingship 
was  bound  up  in  the  staff,  and  without  its  possession,  although 
they  might  have  all  things  else,  they  could  not  be  King.  The 
family  and  followers  of  the  new  King  built  their  houses  round 
his  to  support  him  in  his  new  position.  It  is  most  probable 
that  the  death  of  the  King  was  told  immediately  and  secretly 
by  friends  at  court  to  each  powerful  chief  in  the  district,  who 
at  once  prepared  to  fight  for  the  throne ; and  when  they  were 
ready  for  the  struggle  they  gave  intimation  to  the  headmen 
at  San  Salvador  that  the  King’s  death  should  be  announced. 

The  old  King,  Dom  Henrique  Lunga,  died  in  1858,  and 
Kiambu  of  Nkunga  seized  the  capital,  San  Salvador,  and 
installed  himself  as  King.  Elelo,  Marquis  of  Katende,  was  a 
near  relative  of  the  deceased  King,  and  made  several  attempts 
to  capture  the  capital  and  throne,  but  his  forces  were  too  weak. 
He  thereupon  went  to  Bembe  and  asked  the  Portuguese,  who 
were  working  some  copper  mines  at  that  place,  to  send  some 
priests  to  bury  his  predecessor  (who,  howevei-,  had  already  been 
buried  a considerable  time),  knowing  well  that  they  would  be 
accompanied  by  a military  force,  which  he  hoped  would  establish 
him  on  the  throne.  His  ruse  succeeded.  Soldiers  were  sent 
with  the  priests,  and  after  a long  series  of  fights  Elelo,  Marquis 
of  Katende,  was  crowned  King.  The  Portuguese  occupied  the 
country,  rebuilt  the  fortress  on  the  south-eastern  edge  of  the 
plateau,  remained  for  some  seven  years,  and  then  abandoned 
the  district. 

I frequently  visited  Kiambu,  the  man  who  was  ousted  out 
of  his  rightful  kingdom  by  Elelo’s  ruse.  He  was  a man  of  fine 
presence,  tall  and  dignified,  but  his  mobile  face  was  marred  by 
wicked,  devilish  eyes.  In  the  war  with  the  Portuguese  he  is 
said,  on  good  authority,  to  have  killed  a white  soldier  and 


38  THE  DETHRONED  KING 

eaten  his  liver  ^ to  indicate  his  hatred  of  the  men — the  white 
men,  who  had  helped  his  conquered  foe,  Elelo,  to  drive  him 
out  of  his  capital.  At  the  time  I knew  him  he  had  one  of  his 
ow'n  daughters  living  in  his  “ enclosure  ” as  his  wife.  He  was 
condemned  by  all  the  natives  for  this  act  of  incest,  so  repellent 
to  them ; and  his  excuse  was  that  she  was  so  beautiful  that  she 
could  not  possibly  be  his  daughter. 

Kiambu  was  never  allowed  in  San  Salvador,  nor  was  he 
permitted  to  cross  the  small  river  that  acted  as  a boundary  to 
his  land.  Just  on  the  outskirts  of  his  town  was  a large  native 
hut  containing  the  dried  corpse  of  a near  relative.  Six 
unmarried  girls  were  appointed  each  month  to  guard  the  body, 
and  keep  the  house  clean;  for  he  had  been  told  by  a native 
“ medicine  man  ” that  he  (Kiambu)  would  die  the  day  after 
the  corpse  was  buried,  hence  in  1883  the  body  had  remained 
unburied  for  over  twenty  years,  and  it  was  not  interred  until 
after  Kiambu  died  some  years  later.  I have  a suspicion  that 
the  cost  of  the  funeral  festivities,  which  are  very  great,  had 
more  to  do  with  the  body  being  left  unburied  than  his  super- 
stitious fears. 

' Some  natives  think  that  cannibalism  was,  at  one  time,  common  in 
the  country,  as  there  are  traces  of  it  yet  to  be  found,  in  men  drinking 
the  blood  and  eating  the  livers  of  those  they  have  killed  in  a fight, 
'fhis,  however,  is  not  a common  custom,  but  it  is  sometimes  done. 


CHAPTER  IV 


COURT  ETIQUETTE  AND  NATIVE  FUNCTIONARIES 

There  was  much  ceremony  observed  at  the  King’s  court. 
No  one  approached  him  without  first  seeking  his 
permission,  and  no  one  was  allowed  to  sit  on  a chair  in 
his  presence  except  his  own  near  relatives,  such  as  sons  and 
nephews ; and  up  to  1884  no  native  was  permitted  to  own  a 
European  chair  even  for  private  use. 

Ordinary  men  approaching  the  King  had  to  kneel  three 
times,  once  just  inside  the  last  entrance  to  the  King’s  enclosure, 
then  near  the  door  of  the  “ palace,”  and  lastly,  immediately  in 
front  of  his  majesty ; and  the  last  time  they  knelt,  they  put 
the  palms  of  their  hands  together,  rubbed  their  little  fingers 
in  the  dirt,  and  then  transferred  the  dirt  from  their  little 
fingers  to  their  foreheads  or  temples  and  clapped  their  hands. 
This  ceremony  they  repeated  three  times  at  the  last  kneeling- 
place  ; and  the  King  answered  by  putting  the  palms  of  his 
hand  across  each  other  with  the  fingers  of  the  right  hand  well 
above  the  thumb  and  index  finger  of  the  left  hand,  and  waving 
them.  If  the  King  did  not  answer  thus,  or  if  he  thrust  out 
his  foot  and  waved  his  toes — which  was  an  insult — the  sooner 
the  man  retreated  the  better  for  him.^ 

If  a man  omitted  to  send  or  take  the  King  a share  of  his 
trading  profits  he  would  not  be  favourably  received,  and  might 
expect  to  see  his  majesty’s  toes  wave  instead  of  his  fingers. 
Well-to-do  chiefs  who  failed  to  send  him  occasional  presents 
were  also  coldly  received,  and  the  waving  toes  reminded  them 
of  their  delinquencies.  No  written  account  was  kept,  but  the 
King,  like  all  natives,  had  a remarkable  memory  for  what  was 

^ See  chapter  on  Salutations,  &c.,  for  a fuller  description  of  paying 
homage  to,  or  saluting,  the  King. 


39 


40 


KING  EATS  ALONE 


owing  to  him,  and  never  forgot  when  a debt  was  to  be  paid,  or 
a present  was  due.  Chiefs  and  noblemen  had  to  render 
homage  to  the  King  in  the  same  manner  as  an  ordinary  man, 
but  not  every  time  they  went  into  his  presence. 

The  King  possessed  twenty-five  wives,  who  lived  in  an 
enclosure  at  the  back  of  his  house,  each  having  her  own  hut. 
Most  of  them  were  either  the  daughters  or  sisters  of  headmen, 
or  of  chiefs  of  the  neighbouring  towns,  and  when  walking  about 
the  town  both  men  and  women  would  stand  aside  respectfully 
to  allow  them  to  pass.  No  homage  was  paid  to  them,  but  they 
were  always  spoken  to  and  of  with  much  deference  by  the 
common  people.  Although  the  King  had  so  many  wives  he 
had  only  three  children  by  them.  Living  as  I have  done  for 
thirty  years  in  closest  touch  with  the  people,  my  observations 
lead  me  to  hold  most  firmly  the  opinion  that  polygamy  on  the 
Congo  neither  conduces  to  large  families,  nor  to  morality.^ 

No  one  ate  at  the  same  table  with  the  King,  nor  was 
anyone,  except  his  nephews  and  counsellors  {mhanda-mhanda^, 
allowed  to  sit  at  the  same  fire.  I have  been  present  more 
than  once  when  his  majesty  has  had  a tickling  in  the  thi-oat 
and  has  coughed  and  spluttered  to  free  the  passage.  All 
present  clapped  their  hands  most  vigorously,  and  when  he 
expectorated  the  sputum  was  carried  away  by  one  of  his  wives, 
and  it  was  either  buried  or  burnt. 

In  handing  anything  to,  or  receiving  anything  from  the 
King  the  person  always  knelt,  and  put  the  palm  of  his  left 
hand  under  his  right  arm  just  below  the  elbow,  or  if  the  article 
was  too  large  for  one  hand  then  both  hands,  palms  upward  and 
slightly  arched,  were  held  out  to  offer  or  receive  the  proffered 
object.  And  in  delivering  a message  to  the  King,  or  while 
receiving  one  from  him,  the  messenger  had  also  to  kneel.^ 
It  was  very  rarely  that  his  majesty  left  his  enclosure,  but 
when  he  did  six  of  the  Dorns  or  headmen  of  his  town  carried 

^ See  Among  Congo  Cannibals  (Seeley,  Service  & Co.)  by  the  author, 
pp.  134-139,  for  a fuller  discussion  on  the  effects  of  polygamy. 

^ This  same  ceremony  was  observed  in  handing  things  to  or  receiving 
things  from  chiefs,  important  men,  and  by  children  to  their  fathers. 


Photo  by  Dr.  Merc:er  Gamble 

Present  King  of  Kongo  in  State 

Dom  Manuel  Martins  Kiditu  is  the  first  King  under  the  Portuguese  Republic.  He  is  here  seated 
on  his  throne  in  the  town  square  to  change  the  chieftainship  of  Mputu  from  a man  to  a woman.  He 
is  receiving  the  Mputu  people  as  shown  in  the  picture  below. 


Photo  by  Dr.  Me  ixier  Gamble 

Approaching  the  King  Ceremoniously 


The  M^utu  people  were  dissatisfied  with  the  weak  policy  of  their  chief,  so  they  asked  the  King  to 
replace  him  by  Dicina,  a woman  of  strong  character,  the  widow  of  a former  chief.  The  crowd 
approaches  only  a few  paces  at  a time,  then  they  salute  and  the  band  p’ays.  The  chieftaines.s  has 
a white  band  on  her  hat,  and  the  man  next  to  her  on  the  left  is  the  chief  who  is  being  deposed. 


KING’S  STATE  DRESS 


41 


him  in  a hammock,  even  if  the  distance  was  only  one  or  two 
hundred  yards — as  from  his  “palace”  to  the  mission  station. 
He  was  so  ponderous  that  he  needed  the  combined  strength  of 
the  six  men — three  at  each  end  of  the  pole — to  carry  him  with 
security  and  dignity.  It  was  very  fortunate  for  them  that  he 
did  not  often  visit  the  town. 

On  state  occasions  he  dressed  in  the  cast-ofF  uniform  of  a 
general,  or  some  other  high  officer,  except  the  trousers,  in  which 
I never  saw  him  ; but  in  place  of  the  nether  garments,  he  wore 
round  his  waist  and  hanging  below  his  knees  many  yards  of 
velvet,  or  other  fine  cloth ; a cockade  and  a sword  completed 
his  attire.  In  his  boxes  he  had  many  such  uniforms — the  gifts 
of  visitors  to  his  town,  and  the  result  of  trading.  On  other 
than  ceremonial  occasions  one  often  found  him  squatting  on 
the  ground  in  his  house,  or  on  a mat  in  the  courtyard,  dressed 
in  a dirty  shirt  of  Oxford  print  and  a loincloth  of  common 
trading  print. 

Chiefs  far  and  near  sent  their  nephews  to  be  brought  up 
“ at  the  King’s  knee,”  i.e.  at  court,  so  as  to  learn  its  cere- 
monies, its  etiquette  in  receiving  visitors,  and  the  best  way  of 
settling  palavers.  These  pages  waited  on  the  King,  were  his 
messengers  on  ordinary  occasions,  ran  his  errands,  and  finished 
the  food  left  after  they  had  served  him  at  table.  Their  uncles 
gave  a premium  to  the  King,  according  to  their  wealth  and 
position,  for  taking  their  nephews  (their  heirs) ; and  occasion- 
ally sent  presents  to  them,  a part  of  which  found  their  way 
to  the  King’s  boxes.  These  pages  undoubtedly  had  many 
small  perquisites  from  those  who  desired  their  good  offices  with 
the  King.  By  the  chatter  of  these  lads  and  his  councillors’ 
gossip  he  was  kept  well  informed  of  everything  that  happened 
in  the  town,  in  the  trading  factories,  and  in  the  missions, 
Whenever  the  King  sent  a page  to  us  with  a message  or  a 
request  the  lad  brought  with  him  an  article  of  the  King’s 
attire  as  a guarantee  that  he  came  from  his  majesty.  Once  or 
twice  they  came  without  such  a guarantee,  and  I sent  them 
back  for  a proof  that  they  had  come  from  their  master,  and  I 
heard  no  more  about  the  matter. 


42  POWER  OF  LIFE  AND  DEATH 


The  King  had  full  power  of  life  and  death.  He  could  kill 
a person  without  trial  by  simply  appointing  a man  to  shoot 
the  one  whose  death  he  desired.  This  power  he  used  prudently, 
for  during  my  residence  at  San  Salvador  I heard  of  only  two 
who  were  killed  by  the  King’s  orders, 'and  they  were  lovers  of  the 
royal  wives.  A headman  who  was  growing  too  rich  and  power- 
ful he  would  “ eat  up  ” on  some  pretext  or  other — generally  a 
charge  of  witchcraft — but  it  had  to  be  done  cautiously.  He  had 
no  army,  so  apart  from  his  family,  his  immediate  followers 
bound  to  him  by  personal  interests,  and  his  slaves,  he  was 
dependent  on  the  goodwill  of  the  people  and  their  superstitious 
fears  of  him  as  the  possessor  of  the  great  fetish. 

Attached  to  the  court  were  several  officers  who  performed 
various  duties  for  the  King.  The  following  are  their  titles  and 
functions ; 

The  King,  when  I first  knew  him,  was  too  old  and  too  obese 
to  travel  with  any  degree  of  comfort  to  himself,  or  to  his 
followers,  over  the  rough  and  hilly  roads  to  the  towns  of  chiefs 
to  be  ennobled.  Such  a ceremony  could  take  place  in  their  towns 
only,  so  at  the  court  there  was  an  officer  whose  business  it  was  to 
confer  titles,  as  the  representative  of  the  King,  on  those  to  be 
distinguished.  His  official  name  was  Kapitau,  and  for  the  cere- 
monies connected  with  the  conferring  of  a title  see  page  45. 

Connected  also  with  the  court  was  an  officer  who  theoreti- 
cally was  supposed  never  to  leave  his  master’s  enclosure 
(lumbu),  hence  his  name  Nelumbu.  He  was  a master  of  cere- 
monies, or  a kind  of  chamberlain.  Another  officer  carried 
messages  from  the  King  to  the  chiefs,  and  to  towns,  and  when 
on  such  embassies  he  carried  the  King’s  staff  (mpangu)  with 
him  as  a token  of  his  authority  and  a proof  that  he  had  come 
from  his  majesty,  hence  his  official  title  was  Nempangu,  which 
may  be  freely  translated  as  Staff-bearer.  Mbila  means  to 
summon,  call  out,  and  Nembila  was  the  name  of  the  King’s 
messenger  who  went  to  summon  chiefs,  important  headmen, 
&c.,  to  the  royal  presence,  and  to  inform  the  people  of  his 
majesty’s  wishes  and  commands. 

Another  officer  stayed  about  the  King’s  person  to  wait  on 


VARIOUS  COURT  OFFICERS 


43 


him  and  to  carry  out  such  important  orders  as  could  not  be 
entrusted  to  the  pages  who  served  the  King.  His  title  was 
NejinguzioTca,  and  literally  meant : One  who  walks  about, 
always  on  the  move.  Nehto  was  the  lowest  in  rank  about 
the  court,  and  the  word  comes  from  loto,  a spoon,  and  simply 
means  Spoonhearer. 

The  King  had  a number  of  counsellors  (mbanda-mbanda), 
who  were  selected  for  their  acuteness  and  wisdom,  and  were 
always  chosen  from  among  the  people  of  San  Salvador ; 
but  the  favourite  officer  was  the  Nemfilantu,  for  he  was  the 
most  trusted  of  all  his  people,  and  acted  as  a kind  of  Premier, 
and  the  name  means  literally : One  who  holds  or  moves  about 
the  King’s  head,  or  the  one  in  whose  lap  the  King  puts  his 
head. 

Attached  to  the  court,  but  outside  of  it,  was  a man  whose 
special  duty  it  was  to  assess  the  tax  on  all  trading  caravans 
passing  through  the  town,  or  travelling  through  the  near 
district.  He  was  to  some  extent  responsible  for  the  safe 
conduct  of  caravans  through  that  part  of  the  country  of 
which  the  King  was  overlord.  Of  course  the  larger  portions 
of  the  amounts  thus  collected  found  their  way  to  the  King’s 
treasury.  The  man  who  held  this  office  in  the  early  eighties 
was  well  known  to  me  under  the  title  of  nobility  called 
Mfutila.  Now,  mfutila  is  a payment  to  or  for,  and  is  from 
the  verb  ywta=to  pay.  It  is  probable  that  the  title  means: 
Officer  of  the  King’s  taxes,  or  The  one  who  makes  others  pay. 

Among  the  chiefs  of  the  town  there  were  many  who  held 
titles  of  nobility.  These  titles  were  conferred  by  the  King 
either  for  services  rendered,  or  for  money  paid  to  him — more 
frequently  the  latter.  The  title  became  hereditary,  and 
descended  with  the  chieftainship  of  the  town  and  the  property 
to  the  rightful  heir. 

A man,  we  will  say,  buys  from  the  King  the  title  of 
Tvlante  for  one  slave  and  5000  strings  of  blue  pipe  beads.^ 
If  on  his  death  his  heir  is  not  rich  enough  to  support  the 

^ This  was  the  amount  actually  paid  for  it  by  the  uncle  of  the  present 
holder  of  the  title. 


44 


RECEIVING  A TITLE 


title,  or  does  not  cai’e  to  pay  the  expenses  for  the  cere- 
monies connected  with  his  installation,  or  for  some  other 
reason  does  not  desire  it,  he  can  with  the  consent  of  the  King 
sell  it  to  another  chief  for  a stated  sum  for  that  chiefs  life 
time.  When  this  “ life-buyer  ” of  the  title  dies,  his  heir  cannot 
assume  the  title,  unless  he  procures  the  permission  of  the 
family  originally  hdlding  it,  and  for  their  consent  he  must 
pay ; and  the  King  cannot  confer  it  without  the  consent  of 
the  said  family.  In  fact  the  title  reverts  to  the  family  that 
originally  bought  it  direct  from  the  King,  and  the  head  of 
that  family  can  resume  it,  or  pass  it  on  as  a life  title  to 
another  chief.  This  apparently  applies  only  to  certain  titles 
of  which  there  can  only  be  one  holder  at  any  given  time. 
There  can  only  be  one  Tulante,  and  whenever  this  title  is 
conferred,  either  on  the  proper  heir  to  it,  or  on  a life-buyer 
of  it,  the  King  always  receives  a large  present  from  the 
recipient  at  the  time  of  his  installation  into  the  ranks  of 
nobles. 

The  ceremony  of  installation  is  as  follows : The  title  of 
Tulante  is  to  be  conferred  on  a chief  whose  name  is  Nlemvo  ^ 
who  has  inherited  the  property,  the  chieftainship  of  the 
town,  and  the  title  from  his  uncle.  On  the  death  of  the 
uncle  Nlemvo,  the  heir,  although  he  had  an  undisputed  right 
to  the  title,  yet  could  not  assume  it  until  it  was  properly 
conferred  by  the  King,  or  his  representative ; and  Nlemvo 
himself  did  not  ask  for  it  until  he  had  gathered  sufficient 
cloth,  goats,  pigs,  &c.  to  pay  the  necessary  expenses  of  the 
ceremony.  Thus  a man  might  be  entitled  to  a high  rank, 
and  yet  be  known  only  as  mfumu  Nlemvo  = chief  Nlemvo, 
or,  as  Ngudi  a NTcama  Nlemvo= Mother,  or  origin-of-a- 
hundred  Nlemvo.  The  use,  however,  of  Ngudi  a NTcama 
before  a name  seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  the  man  is 
heir  to  a higher  title.  Ngudi  a Nkama  is  often  playfully 

' In  the  early  eighties  I was  well  acquainted  with  Nlemvo’s  uncle, 
and  often  stayed  in  his  town.  Nlemvo,  from  whom  I received  these 
details,  is  still  alive — a most  intelligent  man  of  about  forty-five  years 
of  age. 


CEREMONY  OF  INSTALLATION  45 


prefixed  to  a person’s  name,  especially  if  he  is  pompous  and 
bumptious  in  his  gait  and  talk. 

Nlemvo  having  collected  the  necessary  goods  for  the  pay- 
ment of  expenses,  and  the  provisions  for  the  feasts  always 
observed  on  such  occasions,  and  having  also  made  all  arrange- 
ments with  the  King,  on  the  appointed  day  the  Kapitau 
arrived  at  Nlemvo’s  town,  and  was  received  and  treated  with 
due  respect  as  the  King’s  representative.  A good  house  was 
given  to  him  for  his  accommodation,  and  a plentiful  store  of 
food  was  supplied  to  him.  Nlemvo’s  own  clan,  Le.  his  mother’s 
clan,  was  called,  and  any  of  his  father’s  clan  who  desired  to  be 
present  were  permitted  to  do  so;  but  all  other  clans  were 
strictly  excluded  from  the  ceremony. 

The  crowd  formed  a large  circle,  in  the  centre  of  which  a 
leopard’s  skin  was  spread,  and  a chair  placed  on  it.  The 
Kapitau  went  up  to  Nlemvo,  who  was  sitting  among  his  people, 
and  hooking  the  index  finger  of  his  right  hand  in  the  little 
finger  of  Nlemvo’s  left  hand,  he  led  him  up  to  the  leopard’s 
skin,  and  walking  him  round  it  as  far  as  the  tail,  told  him  to 
step  over  that,  and  then  leading  him  to  the  front  of  the  chair, 
he  seated  him  in  it,  whereupon  the  crowd  clapped  the  loosely- 
closed  fists  of  their  left  hands  with  the  palms  of  their  right 
hands. 

When  all  was  again  quiet  the  Kapitau  put  on  the  candi- 
date’s head  some  lemba-lemba  leaves,  and  wetting  his  hands 
with  palm-wine  he  pressed  the  palms  to  Nlemvo’s  temples, 
to  his  forehead  and  back  of  the  head,  to  his  shoulders, 
and  to  his  knees ; this  he  did  three  times,  and  then  pro- 
nounced a blessing : “ May  you  be  blessed  and  lucky,  and 
when  you  speak  may  your  words  be  heard  (obeyed)  by  the 
people.”  ^ 

Then  the  Kapitau  asked  loudly  three  times : “ Do  you 
know  this  man’s  name  ? ” and  the  crowd  replied  each  time  in 
the  negative.  Whereupon  the  Kapitau  shouted  : “ Origin-of- 
a-hundred  Tulante  waiting  for  the  mercy  (kindness)  of 


^ Ovwa  nsambu  yo  nialau,  wavova  diambu  diwa  wantu. 


46  CEREMONY  OF  INSTALLATION 


Almighty  God,”  1 The  people  on  hearing  this  rounded  their 
mouths,  and  beat  them  with  the  extended  fingers  of  their  right 
hands,  making  thereby  a long  series  of  “ Wo ! wo ! wo ! ” 
Others  fired  guns  and  shouted. 

When  quiet  was  restored,  the  Kapitau  told  the  new  noble 
to  be  good  to  his  people,  and  turning  to  the  crowd,  he  told 
them  to  obey  their  chief.  He  instructed  the  new  Tulante 
never  to  carry  anything  when  walking  on  the  roads,  or  visiting, 
or  going  to  the  markets — in  fact  he  was  never  again  to  carry 
anything  like  a boy,  or  common  person,  except  his  gun  or 
stick ; and  if  he  shot  a bird  or  an  animal  he  must  not  even 
carry  the  game  he  had  killed.  Should  a person  ever  meet  him 
carrying  any  article  except  his  gun  or  walking-stick,  the  said 
person  had  the  right  to  take  it  away  from  him,  and  either  keep 
it  for  himself  or  sell  it.  Neither  might  the  new  noble  ever  beat 
his  wife  or  wives,  and  if  he  did,  he  could  be  mulcted  in  a fine 
of  fowls,  or  one  goat ; and  the  new  noble  was  never  to  gather 
firewood,  or  fetch  water.  A bracelet  was  then  put  on  Nlemvo’s 
arm  as  a sign  of  his  new  and  important  title. 

Nlemvo  gave  the  Kapitau  and  his  assistant  five  pieces  of 
cloth,  one  pig,  and  two  goats ; and  he  sent  to  the  King  at  San 
Salvador  seventy  pieces  of  cloth.^  The  King  was  so  satisfied 
with  his  present,  that  he  sent  a large  velvet  cloth  worth 
twenty-five  francs  to  the  new  Tulante. 

The  new  noble  can  now  be  appointed  by  the  King  to  confer 
titles  on  others;  he  can  also  act  as  a judge  in  settling  matters 
between  persons,  and  quarrels  between  towns ; and  for  this 
judicial  work  he  receives  fees  that  eventually  more  than  refund 
all  the  expenses  incurred  by  the  above  ceremony  of  installation. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  titles  of  nobility  : 

1.  Tulante.  The  present  holder  of  this  title  cannot  give 
me  its  meaning. 

' NGUDI  A NKAMA  TULANTE  N IN  GAM  ENA  NKANETA 
NZAMBI  A MPUNGU,  DEZU.  DEZU,  untranslated  in  the  text  as  it 
is  redundant,  is  from  Portuguese  Deos. 

“ This  was  exactly  the  price  given  by  Nlemvo,  who  personally  gave 
me  all  the  particulars. 


NAMES  OF  THE  NOBLES 


47 


2.  Ly})atabata=a.  strong  man, 

3.  Katendi= one  who  must  fight  to  the  last,  and  never 
give  in.  This  was  the  title  of  Elelo,  Dom  Pedro  V,  before  he 
ascended  the  throne.  There  is  a native  saying  that  runs  thus : 
“ The  Katendi’s  finger-nails  must  not  be  cut,  or  his  clan  will 
die  out,”  ^ i.e.  he  must  always  fight  and  never  have  his 
claws  cut. 

4.  Nkangampaha  — a.  strong  man  who  disregards  objections 
and  difficulties,  but  goes  straight  on  his  way.  This  was  the 
title  of  a former  chief  of  Mpalabala  town  near  Matadi  whom 
I met  several  times : and  although  his  town  was  over  eighty 
miles  from  San  Salvador  yet  he  sent  tribute  periodically  to 
the  King. 

5.  Mpidixipe,  from  the  Portuguese  Principe.  This  noble 
was  sometimes  Premier.  The  title  is  of  modern  introduction, 
probably  dating  from  the  early  sixties,  when  the  Portuguese 
set  Elelo  on  the  throne,  and  occupied  the  town  for  seven 
years. 

6.  Mfutila='p9.yment  to  or  for  (see  page  43).  Assessor, 
and  collector  of  taxes  on  caravans,  &c. 

7.  Kahata ; 8,  Masaku ; 9,  Nsaku ; 10,  Sengele  ,-11,  Nkondi ; 
and  12,  Nemwanda,  are  also  titles  of  high  rank,  but  their 
significance  has  been  forgotten.  It  is  possible  that  in  ancient 
times,  when  the  Kingdom  of  Kongo  was  at  the  zenith  of  its 
power  and  glory,  the  above  titles  belonged  to  men  of  high 
rank  in  the  King’s  household,  or  system  of  government,  and  as 
their^offices,  through  the  breaking  up  of  the  kingdom,  have 
dropped  into  desuetude,  the  meanings  have  become  lost  to 
the  present  holders  of  the  titles. 

13.  Nenkondo.  When  the  exigencies  of  life  demand  that 
a new  law  be  made  or  an  old  one  revived,  the  chiefs  of  the 
district  meet  together  and  arrange  what  the  new  law  shall 
be,  what  fine  shall  be  inflicted  for  breaking  it,  and  they  also 
appoint  a chief  to  administer  it,  to  see  that  it  is  properly 
observed,  and  to  follow  with  punishment  the  breaker  of  it. 
All  fines  received  are  periodically  distributed  among  the  chiefs 
* Katendi  katendwa  nzala  o rnakanda  mamene. 


48  NATIVES  AND  THEIR  NAMES 


concerned,  but  the  one  appointed  to  administer  the  law  retains 
a larger  share  than  that  given  to  an  ordinary  chief,  for  he 
has  all  the  trouble  of  guarding  the  law  and  enforcing  the 
fines.  This  administrator  takes  the  title  of  Nenkondo. 

All  the  men  and  women  of  San  Salvador  and  the  im- 
mediate district  have  what  they  call  a santu""  (from  the 
Portuguese  word,  sancto),  or  as  we  should  call  it — a Christian 
name.  This  custom  of  having  a santu^  is  a survival  of  the 
days  when  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  was  dominant  in 
the  land,  and  the  converts  were  given  a holy  name  when 
baptized  into  the  Church. 

About  the  time  of  birth  a native  name  is  given  to  the  boy. 
Sometimes  it  is  whimsical  and  without  any  particular  meaning, 
at  other  times  it  indicates  the  manner  in  which  the  child  was 
born ; and  in  some  instances  the  name  marks  a bit  of  family 
history,  such  as  a time  of  sorrow,  or  comfort,  or  joy — much  the 
same  as  the  old  scriptural  names.  Later  in  life,  at  the  age 
of  twelve  or  fourteen,  the  lad  can  take  another  name  of  his 
own  choice,  if  he  is  dissatisfied  with  his  birth-name,  and  allow 
his  first  name  to  be  forgotten  by  disuse.  While  in  their  teens 
they  select  a santu,  a Portuguese  name  Congoised,  as  Man- 
wele= Manuel,  Nzwao= Joao= John,  &c. ; and  the  women  take 
Madia = Maria,  &c.  To  these  santus  they  prefix  Dom  and 
Donna  respctively.  In  San  Salvador  and  its  neighbourhood 
everybody  has  a santu,  but  the  farther  you  travel  from  San 
Salvador  the  less  frequently  is  the  santu  found  among  the 
people.  Although  there  is  a native  ceremony  of  baptism,  yet 
it  is  not  often  observed,  as  anyone  can  change  his  or  her 
name,  and  take  a new  one,  or  a santu,  without  following  any 
rites,  and  thus  save  the  medicine-man’s  fee. 

Though  the  possession  of  Dom  and  Donna  is  so  common, 
yet  the  use  of  them  is  somewhat  restricted  to  the  better  class 
of  natives,  much  the  same  as  our  use  of  Mr.,  Mrs.,  and  Miss. 

1 The  santu  is  given  by  a sponsor,  or  godfather,  or  godmother,  and 
the  child  had  to  respect  his  godparent  {ese  dia  njila  ezulu  = father  of  the 
road  to  heaven),  and  to  do  anything  wrong  to  a sponsor  is  regarded  as  a 
crime.  Godparents  and  godchildren  could  not  marry. 


NATIVES  AND  THEIR  NAMES  49 

Of  some  men  the  natives  never  spoke  without  calling  them 
Dom^  and  to  others  the  natives  never  prefixed  the  Dom  except 
when  they  desired  to  ingratiate  themselves,  or  ask  a special 
favour.  What  is  said  about  the  boy  and  the  man,  applies 
equally  as  well  to  girls  and  women.  Men  and  women,  boys 
and  girls,  on  leaving  the  ndemho  ^ secret  society  received  new 
names  which  they  could  use  or  not  as  they  pleased ; and  all 
the  men  and  lads  initiated  into  the  nkimba  guild  also  received 
new  names.  Thus  a man  could  possess  five  names,  viz.  his 
birth-name,  his  selected  name,  his  santu,  his  ndembo,  and  his 
nkimba  names. 

We  had  then  in  the  San  Salvador  society,  the  King,  the 
counsellors,  the  nobility,  the  chiefs  of  towns,  the  court  officers, 
the  Dorns  and  Donnas,  the  common  people,  and  the  slaves. 
San  Salvador  itself  is  known  to  the  natives  as  Kongo,  but  to 
distinguish  it  from  several  other  Kongos,  e.g.  Kongo  dia 
Mpalabala  and  Kongo  di’  Elemba,  it  is  called  Kongo  dia 
Ntotela,  i.e.  the  King’s  Kongo,  as  it  has  from  time  immemorial 
been  the  residence  of  the  King  of  the  country.  Sometimes 
it  is  called  Kongo  dia  Ngunga,  i.e.  the  Kongo  of  the  Bell, 
probably  because  the  Roman  Catholic  priests  had  formerly  a 
large  bell  there,  which  was  rung  in  connection  with  their 
services. 

^ On  taking  a ndembo  name  on  initiation  into  the  mysteries  of  this 
secret  society  the  “doctor”  of  the  society  appointed  a man  to  be  re- 
garded as  the  father  (ese  dia  elemba)  of  the  new  member.  He  was  treated 
with  much  respect  by  his  “ child.” 


D 


CHAPTER  V 


REMINISCENCES  OF  DOM  PEDRO  V, 

KING  OF  KONGO 

OUR  first  introduction  to  the  King  was  in  February  1882. 

We  then  found  him  sitting  on  a wicker  sofa  in  his 
“ palace,”  a veritable  Tichbourne  for  size.  He  was 
di’essed  in  a white  straw  hat,  a very  dirty  white  shirt,  and  a 
no  less  dirty  cloth  over  his  knees.  He  was  mourning  the 
death  of  one  of  his  wives,  hence  his  dirty,  untidy  appearance. 
She  had  been  dead  two  months,  and  was  left  unburied  while 
her  brother  procured  the  cloth,  beads,  &c.,  necessary  to  inter 
her  with  the  pomp  and  ceremony  suited  to  her  position  as 
a royal  wife.  During  those  two  months  the  King  had 
“ mourned,”  i.e.  he  had  neglected  his  personal  appearance, 
wore  old  and  dirty  garments,  and  left  his  skin  unoiled  and 
undusted  with  camwood  powder.  The  King,  however,  was 
usually  clean  in  his  attire  and  habits,  and  on  great  occasions 
could  even  be  smart  in  his  dress.  At  a great  palaver  that 
took  place  in  March  1882  he  was  attired  in  the  following 
manner.  I quote  from  notes  written  at  the  time.  He  wore 
a loincloth  of  scarlet  and  black  velvet,  a clean  white  shirt, 
a black  waistcoat  with  brass  buttons,  a scarlet  cloth  coat  with 
tails,  and  a white  straw  hat.  In  his  hand  he  held  a six- 
chamber  revolver  (unloaded,  for  he  had  no  cartridges) ; a man 
held  a large  umbrella  of  red  and  black  velvet  over  his  head ; 
and  when  he  stepped  forward  to  speak,  his  son,  carrying  a 
sword  in  its  scabbard,  walked  behind  him  holding  a very  small 
red  parasol  over  his  head,  vainly  endeavouring  to  shade  the 
moving  mass  of  flesh. 

Having  received  many  small  acts  of  kindness  from  the 

King,  I asked  him  one  day  in  1882  what  personal  present  I 

60 


GIFT  OF  SOME  SHIRTS 


51 


could  make  him,  and  he  desired  a shirt  or  two  of  strong 
material;  and  that  they  might  fit  him  propeidy,  he  lent  me 
an  old  shirt  from  which  to  take  the  measurements.  He  was 
of  no  mean  stature  and  girth,  as  the  following  figures  will 

prove,  which  I transcribe  from  my  letter  to  the  lady  whom  I 

asked  to  make  the  shirts  : “ The  shirts  must  have  cuffs,  collars, 
and  fronts.  The  sizes  are  as  follows : From  shoulder  to 

shoulder  2 ft.  11  in.  Waist  5 ft.  8 in.  in  circumference.  Arm- 
holes 23  in.  Round  the  neck  20  in.  Arm  1 ft.  3 in.  not 

including  the  cuff,  which  is  to  be  5 in.  long  and  9 in.  round. 

From  top  to  bottom  3 ft.  6 in.  1 should  tell  you  that  the 
King  is  expei’t  with  his  needle,  and  his  twenty-five  wives  just  as 
clever  at  farming.  The  folk  are  often  asking  what  kind  of 
work  Queen  Victoria  does.” 

The  lady  wanted  to  know  if  1 had  made  a mistake  in  the 
measurements ; but  on  being  assured  that  they  were  correct, 
she  set  to  work,  and  in  due  time  the  shirts  arrived  in  San 
Salvador.  The  King  frequently  asked  about  the  progress 
of  those  garments ; but  he  was  too  courteous  to  express  in 
words  what  he  must  often  have  thought  in  his  heart — that 
they  were  a long  time  coming.  The  old  man  was  delighted 
to  receive  the  present,  and  quickly  donned  one  of  the  shirts, 
and  finding  it  was  a comfortable  fit,  and  the  w'ork  satisfying 
his  critical  eye,  he  was  neither  slow  nor  meagre  in  his  expres- 
sions of  pleasure  and  gratitude ; and  when,  three  years  later,  the 
lady,  the  maker  of  the  shirts,  arrived  in  his  town,  he  accorded 
her  a most  hearty  welcome,  and  thanked  her  personally  for 
the  trouble  she  had  taken  and  the  skill  she  had  shown. 

Occasionally  we  invited  him  to  dinner,  and  the  jyiice  de 
resistance  was  a sucking-pig,  which  in  those  days  we  could  buy 
for  a shilling’s  worth  of  cloth  or  beads.  Although  his  house 
was  less  than  400  yards  away,  he  always  came  in  his  state 
hammock,  carried  by  six  of  his  headmen.  Fortunately  the 
, headmen  were  strong  and  in  the  prime  of  life,  otherwise  the 
King’s  weight  would  have  taxed  them  too  much.  The 
hammock  was  of  native  cotton,  grown,  dyed,  and  woven  in  a 
neighbouring  village.  It  was  covered  with  red  cloth,  adorned 


52 


KING  AT  DINNER 


with  tassels  and  bells,  and  a canopy  was  arranged  to  shield  the 
rider  from  the  sun.  As  there  were  no  clocks  in  the  “ palace  ” 
we  asked  our  guest  to  come  at  sunset ; and  no  sooner  was  the 
sun  below  the  horizon  than  we  heard  the  shouts  of  the  people 
as  they  accompanied  the  King’s  hammock  to  the  station.  As 
he  got  near  we  could  hear  the  tinkling  of  the  ferret  bells  on 
the  hammock,  the  hurried,  heavy  breathing  of  the  hammock- 
carriers,  and  their  short,  sharp  sentences  of  direction  to  each 
other.  They  were  not  at  all  sorry  to  lower  the  hammock  at 
our  door,  where  we  stood  ready  to  receive  and  welcome  him,  who, 
although  black,  had  come  in  the  most  kingly  manner  he  knew, 
and  was  certainly  very  dignified  in  most  of  his  ways  and  words. 

The  boys  quickly  put  the  dinner  on  the  table,  and  the 
King  eyed  every" dish  hungrily.  I said  to  him  one  day  when 
visiting  him  in  his  courtyard,  and  we  were  both  in  a joking 
mood,  “ Do  you  knoAv  what  the  poorer  class  of  English  boys 
do  when  they  are  invited  to  a feast  ? ” 

“ No,”  he  said,  and  as  he  saw  me  hesitate  he  asked,  “ Well, 
what  do  they  do  ? ” 

“ Why,  they  eat  very  little  all  day,”  I replied,  “ so  as  to 
have  plenty  of  room  for  the  feast.” 

The  old  man  rolled  with  laughter,  snapped  his  fingers, 
slapped  his  thighs,  and  tears  came  from  his  eyes  as  he  said, 
“ Why,  white  man,  that  is  what  I do,  but  I did  not  know 
anybody  else  was  cute  enough  to  think  of  that ; but  Mfumu 
Weekisi,  I am  smarter  than  those  white  boys,  for  I don’t  eat 
anything  all  day  when  I am  coming  to  take  dinner  with  you 
at  sunset.”  After  that  I could  understand  the  hungry  look 
in  his  eyes  as  he  watched  the  dishes  put  on  the  table ; and  we 
always  hurried  the  boys  in  their  operations. 

Native  provisions  of  all  kinds  were  very  cheap,  and  by 
sacrificing  one  or  two  tins  of  preserved  goods  we  were  generally 
successful,  although  lacking  the  help  of  a white  lady,  in  work- 
ing out  a menu  of  six  or  seven  simple  courses.  Soup  made 
of  fowl  and  goat  bones  with  odd  bits  of  meat  and  seasoning; 
tin  of  fresh  herrings  baked  or  fried ; a roast  fowl,  stewed  goat, 
roast  sucking-pig,  and  baked  rice  pudding  with  stewed  paw- 


Photo  iy  I\€7'.  R.  H.  C.  Graham 

Staie  Robes  of  hie  King  of  Kongo 


These  robes  and  the  silver  sceptre  were  a present  from  the  K ng  of  Portugal  in  1888,  when  the  first 
resident  govern  or  went  to  reside  in  San  Salvador.  'I’he  robes,  etc. , are  State  property  and  pass  from 
the  King  to  his  .successor.  This  is  MLenibe,  Dorn  Pedro  VI. 


KING  AT  DINNER  53 

paws,  were  our  dishes.  Our  drinks  were  limejuice  made  from 
fresh  limes,  and  coffee  grown  in  the  district. 

I think  I can  see  the  old  King  now  sitting  on  the  other 
side  of  the  wide  table ; squatting  on  the  ground  immediately 
behind  him  is  a row  of  five  or  six  of  his  favourite  wives;  and 
standing  against  the  wall  are  the  six  headmen  who  carried 
the  hammock.  The  doors  are  crowded  with  gaping,  curious 
natives  talking  in  low  whispers;  the  house-boys  are  moving 
noiselessly  with  naked  feet  over  the  beaten  clay  floor ; and  the 
light  from  our  small  colza  oil  lamps,  supplemented  on  this 
festive  occasion  by  a couple  of  candles,  throw  their  soft  light 
over  the  table,  but  scarcely  relieve  the  darkness  beyond.  And 
the  white  man  sitting  on  one  side  of  the  table  has  the  only 
white  face  in  all  that  crowd  of  black  figures. 

The  King  takes  a few  spoonfuls  of  soup  and  passes  the  rest 
down  with  a piece  of  bread  to  his  waiting  wives,  who  quickly 
and  quietly  finish  them ; the  fish  he  eats  all  up  because  it 
comes  from  the  white  man’s  country,  and  his  wives  pout  their 
disappointment.  We  give  him  a liberal  share  of  fowl,  but 
that  is  so  common  that  after  selecting  the  best  pieces  the  rest 
is  finished  by  his  expectant  wives;  goat  comes  next,  but  is 
treated  with  as  scant  courtesy  as  that  bestowed  on  the  fowl ; 
and  meanwhile  the  old  man  turns  his  eyes  repeatedly  towards 
the  roasted  pig.  That  at  last  is  put  before  us,  and  we  pile 
his  plate  with  a liberal  portion,  which  rapidly  disappears,  and 
all  the  time  his  wives  are  making  mouths  in  the  semi-darkness. 
He  grunts  assent  to  more  when  we  ask  him,  and  we  again  load 
his  plate.  Is  not  this  the  moment  for  which  he  has  lived  all 
the  hours  of  that  long  day  ? for  he  had  heard  that  the  white 
man  has  bought  a pig  for  dinner.  There  is  nothing  that  the 
white  man  does  but  he  hears  all  about  it  a few  minutes  after- 
wards in  his  courtyard. 

A third  time  his  plate  is  filled,  but  before  he  is  half  way 
through  he  is  conquered,  so  with  a sigh  he  hands  the  re- 
mainder to  his  longing  wives.  He  plays  with  the  rice  pudding 
and  stewed  native  fruit  as  much  as  to  say,  How  can  one  eat 
such  poor  stuff  after  roast  sucking-pig.?  We  hand  down  a 


54  KING  TALKS  ABOUT  HIMSELF 


large  dish  of  food  to  the  wives ; and  while  we  are  drinking 
our  coffee  the  headmen  are  clearing  up  the  dishes,  with  the 
aid  of  house-boys,  in  the  kitchen — the  remnants  of  the  feast 
are  their  perquisites,  so  that  there  is  not  a bone  left  that  a 
dog  would  look  at  twice. 

Thi’ough  the  meal  the  King  is  too  busy  to  talk  much ; but 
directly  eating  is  over  his  tongue  is  loosened,  and  he  tells  us 
of  his  travels  about  the  country,  of  the  fights  by  which  he 
gained  for  himself  the  sobriquet  of  “ the  great  one  of  heaven,” 
and  his  earnest  wish  to  send  a letter  to  Queen  Victoria.  We 
on  our  part  relate  the  wonders  of  our  country,  the  size  of  our 
great  cities,  the  number  of  our  ships  and  soldiers,  our  coal, 
iron,  and  salt  mines,  the  speed  and  comfort  of  railway  travel- 
ing; the  wealth,  power  and  majesty  of  the  great  white  Queen. 
His  eyes  and  mouth  would  open  widely  in  amazement,  and, 
although  he  was  too  polite  to  ask  me  if  I were  lying,  yet  he 
often  interrupted  me  to  ask  if  I were  telling  the  truth,  and 
I have  a dim  suspicion  that  during  our  earlier  acquaintance 
he  thought  I was  a magnificent  liar  in  talking  about  my 
country  and  Queen  as  I did.  Of  course  his  people  when 
travelling  about  the  country  talked  of  him  in  exaggerated 
terms  to  the  ignorant  people  in  the  distant  villages.  His 
twenty-five  wives  became  a hundred,  his  three  children  were 
multiplied  by  ten  or  more,  and  everything  he  said  and  did 
was  highly  coloured.  He  had  heard  all  about  it,  and  thought 
that  the  white  man  was  naturally  doing  the  same  for  his 
Queen  and  country. 

He  would  petulantly  ask  why  his  country  was  not  rich, 
great,  and  strong,  and  why  they  were  so  poor  and  foolish 
compared  to  white  people.  We  would  point  out  the  baneful 
influence  of  the  witch-doctors,  and  the  way  in  which  they 
had  kept  the  people  from  making  any  progress,  killing  off 
as  witches  the  most  progressive  men  and  the  inventive  geniuses 
of  the  country.  We  generally  finished  our  conversations  with 
a talk  on  Christianity,  and  not  infrequently  with  family 
prayers. 

It  was  our  custom  to  go  every  Sunday  evening  to  conduct 


KING’S  WIVES  ON  STRIKE 


55 


a short  religious  service  in  his  courtyard.  Sometimes  he  was 
alone  except  for  a few  personal  attendants,  at  other  times 
there  would  be  from  fifty  to  a hundred  persons  present ; but 
whether  many  or  few,  he  always  made  me  welcome,  had  a 
chair  placed  for  me  immediately  in  front  of  him  so  that  we 
sat  almost  knee  to  knee,  and  would  listen  most  attentively  to 
all  that  was  said.  In  his  better  moods  I have  seen  the  tears 
trickle  down  his  cheeks  as  he  recalled  the  murders,  &c.,  of 
former  years,  and  on  our  parting  he  would  bid  me  come  again 
quickly ; but  in  his  harder  moments  I have  seen  his  eyes  flash 
murderous  hate,  and  his  face  cloud  with  fiercest  anger  at  some 
remark  that  touched  him  to  the  quick.  For  some  reason  he 
was  very  desirous  of  our  good  opinion,  consequently  he  curbed 
his  passion  and  controlled  his  savagery  in  a wonderful  manner. 

I think  he  had  an  idea  that  we  reported  his  sayings  and  doings 
to  Queen  Victoria,  and  he  wished  that  she  should  hear  only 
good  about  him. 

On  more  than  one  occasion  I heard  that  the  royal  wives 
had  gone  out  on  strike  by  refusing,  for  the  time  being,  to 
cook  any  food  for  his  majesty.  There  was  an  understanding 
among  them  that  whenever  he  was  unreasonable  in  his  treat- 
ment of  one  or  more  of  them,  the  others  took  sides  with 
them,  and  by  refraining  to  cook  or  do  anything  for  the  old 
man  they  soon  brought  him  to  reason.  At  such  times  his 
diet  was  a few  roasted  pea-nuts,  and  that  for  not  one  meal 
only,  but  for  two  or  three  days.  Being  very  stout,  he  was  not 
able  to  chase  his  wives  and  beat  them,  for  they  soon  ran 
beyond  his  reach ; he  dared  not  send  slaves  to  catch  and 
handle  freeborn  women ; and  his  headmen  preferred  neither 
to  help  nor  to  interfere,  for  Congo  women  have  nasty  tempers 
and  terrible  tongues. 

One  day  I passed  through  his  house  to  the  women’s  quarters 
behind,  in  search  of  him,  and  found  his  majesty  in  a towering 
passion,  surrounded  by  about  twenty  of  his  wives.  They  were 
all  clapping  their  hands — an  action  that  always  accompanied 
the  begging  of  a favour — and  beseeching  him  in  pleading  tones 
not  to  beat  her ; and  all  the  time  so  closely  clustering  round 


56 


TRYING  TO  PUNISH  A WIFE 


him  that  they  impeded  his  movements,  rendering  it  impossible 
for  him  to  catch  the  delinquent  wife  even  if  he  had  been 
more  agile  than  he  was.  Each  woman  acted  her  part  admir- 
ably, knowing  that  when  she  did  something  for  which  he 
wanted  to  flog  her,  the  others  would  surround  him  and  thus 
protect  her.  When,  however,  a general  strike  took  place, 
it  was  impossible  for  one  fat  old  man  to  beat  twenty-five 
strapping  women,  almost  every  one  of  whom  would  have  been 
more  than  a match  for  him  in  a fair  fight — so  his  boys  roasted 
for  him  a few  pea-nuts,  or  a plantain,  and  in  the  meantime 
he  threatened  them  with  his  fetish,  and  stored  up  a good 
appetite  for  the  tasty  dishes  that  were  sure  to  come  when 
reconciliation  took  place. 

In  June  1884  the  King  suffered  from  a large  sloughing 
ulcer,  and  I went  twice  a day  to  dress  the  place.  Soon  after 
commencing  this  bit  of  medical  work  on  his  majesty,  he 
gave  his  permission  for  calling  a great  witch-doctor  to  discover 
the  person  who  was  bewitching  the  King ; but  directly  I heard 
of  this  I sent  a message  to  my  patient  saying  that  “ if  he 
proceeded  with  the  witch  palaver  I would  not  again  dress 
the  sore.”  He  instantly  stopped  the  witch-doctor  and  sent 
him  and  his  people  away  ; and  a few  days  later  a headman, 
in  thanking  me  for  taking  this  action,  said,  “ If  you  had 
not  been  here  someone  would  have  been  killed  as  a witch.” 

Some  time  before  the  above  incident  the  King  conceived 
the  idea  that  much  of  the  sickness  prevalent  in  the  town 
might  be  removed  by  paying  more  respect  to  a certain 
neglected  fetish.  He  therefore  selected  some  girls  and  placed 
them  in  a fetish  house,  where  they  remained  for  several  weeks 
to  attend  upon  and  propitiate  the  fetish.  During  their  stay 
in  the  fetish  house  they  lived  upon  the  uncooked  blood  of 
sucking-pigs  and  raw  fowls,  together  with  a few  nuts  and  roots. 
They  could  not  leave  the  house,  and  a man  was  not  allowed 
to  approach  it : but  they  were  waited  upon  by  one  or  two 
old  women.  Just  as  this  cex’emony  was  finished,  and  his 
majesty  had  rewarded  the  girls  with  good  presents,  his  foot 
became  very  much  swollen  and  painful,  and  every  means  they 


SOME  GERMANS  ARRIVE 


57 


took  to  cure  it  entirely  failed.  The  old  man  became  very 
angry  with  the  fetish  for  serving  him  such  a scurvy  trick 
after  paying  away  so  much  good  money  on  its  behalf. 

In  December  1884,  the  members  of  a German  Geographical 
Expedition  arrived  at  San  Salvador  and  stayed  with  us  in  the 
mission  house.  After  the  excitement  of  their  arrival  had 
abated,  I went  and  asked  the  King  to  see  them  and  to  accord 
to  them  a fitting  welcome,  but  he  refused  to  see  them.  The 
Portuguese  Padres  had  been  before  me,  and  had  told  the  King 
that  these  white  men  had  come  to  take  his  country,  that  they 
were  Bulamatadi’s  (Stanley’s)  white  men,  and  if  he  saw  them  it 
would  be  bad  for  him  and  his  people. 

On  returning  to  our  house  I told  them  what  the  King  had 
said ; and  our  visitors  were  exceedingly  vexed,  because  the 
Padres  knew  very  well  who  and  what  they  were — Germans 
travelling  for  the  Berlin  Geographical  Society.  Dr.  Buthner 
then  brought  out  a book  written  by  a German  traveller, 
Bastian,  who  visited  San  Salvador  in  1861  or  1862,  and  read 
from  it  some  incidents  that  happened  at  that  time  in  which  the 
King  took  part,  and  which  they  thought  he  would  call  to  mind 
if  I would  tell  him ; and  they  requested  me  to  add  that  they 
were  countrymen  of  the  man  who  was  so  friendly  with  the 
King. 

I went  to  see  the  old  King  again,  and  said ; “ Do  you 
remember  a white  man  who  came  to  see  you  about  twenty- 
three  years  ago,  and  you  and  he  made  a feast  for  all  the 
headmen  in  the  town,  and  they  all  became  so  drunk  that  they 
fell  about  your  courtyard  Then  you  and  he  went  with 
calabashes  and  pots  of  water  and  poured  their  contents  over 
the  drunken  men  while  they  were  lying  about  on  the  ground.” 
I thought  the  old  gentleman  would  have  rolled  off  his  big  chair 
with  laughter ; but  on  quietening  down  he  asked,  “ How  did 
you  hear  of  that  ? Why,  that  white  man  was  my  very  good 
friend ! ” I then  told  him  how  that  white  man  went  home  and 
wrote  a book,  and  put  in  it  all  about  the  King  of  Kongo,  and 
that  these  white  men  who  had  just  arrived  were  his  country- 
men. When  the  King  heard  that  he  at  once  said  he  would 


58  RESULTS  OF  A LETTER 

see  them ; and  the  next  day  he  gave  them  a right  royal 
reception. 

A few  days  after  their  visit  to  the  King,  Dr.  Biithner  showed 
me  a letter  published  (some  time  in  1884)  in  a Belgian  paper, 
Le  Mouvement  Geographique,  in  which  the  King  of  Kongo  in  a 
long  preamble  acknowledges  His  Majesty  the  King  of  Portugal 
as  his  liege  lord,  &c.,  &c.  It  was  signed  with  the  King’s  mark, 
and  witnessed  by  all  the  white  men  in  San  Salvador,  except 
myself.  I told  the  Germans  that  I had  heard  nothing  of  the 
letter  although  I was  in  San  Salvador  on  the  day  on  which  it 
was  written  and  signed,  and  that  I doubted  its  authenticity. 
Happening  to  visit  the  King  a day  or  so  later,  I took  the  said 
letter  with  me,  and  asked  him  about  it.  He  was  astonished 
when  he  heard  the  contents  of  the  letter,  and  in  great  anger  he 
arose  from  the  big  leather  chair  in  which  he  was  sitting,  and 
said,  “ My  brother,  the  King  of  Portugal,  sent  me  this  chair  as 
a present,  and  a short  time  after  the  head  Padre  brought  me  a 
letter  to  sign,  saying  it  was  a letter  of  thanks  to  the  King  of 
Portugal  for  this  chair,  and  that  is  the  only  letter  I ever  signed 
my  mark  to,  or  ordered  to  be  sent.”  Poor  old  man ! in  saying 
“ Thank  you  ” for  a chair  he  had  signed  away  the  independence 
of  his  country : for  the  Portuguese  used  that  letter  as  one  of  the 
arguments  upon  which  they  founded  their  claim  to  the  ancient 
Kingdom  of  Kongo. 

The  head  Portuguese  Padre,  a Portuguese  trader,  and  a 
French  trader  had  signed  the  letter  as  witnesses  to  the  King's 
mark.  A few  days  after  my  interview  with  the  King  I met  the 
French  trader,  and  told  him  I had  seen  the  said  letter,  that  I 
was  in  the  town  on  that  date,  and  was  surprised  that  I was  not 
asked  to  sign  the  letter,  for  “ Am  I not  a white  man  ? ” The 
Frenchman  excused  himself  by  saying,  “ W e did  not  ask  you  to 
witness  the  King’s  mark  because  we  felt  sure  you  would  not  do 
it  until  the  King  thoroughly  understood  the  real  purport  of 
the  letter.”  I thanked  him  for  his  estimate  of  my  character, 
and  gave  him  my  view  of  the  manner  in  which  they  had 
deceived  and  defrauded  the  King.  One  wonders  how  many 
treaties  with  African  Kings  have  been  gained  by  a like  ruse. 


KING’S  DEATH 


59 


On  February  15, 1891,  Dom  Pedro  V died  of  apoplexy,  and 
in  due  time  he  was  enshrouded  in  all  the  uniforms  and  ex- 
pensive clothes  given  to  him  by  the  King  of  Portugal.  Then 
came  out  the  cloths  that  had  been  hoarded  for  years,  styles  and 
patterns  long  forgotten,  introduced  by  traders  fifty  and  sixty 
years  before,  which  had  filtered  up  from  the  coast  to  the  far 
interior.  From  all  the  wealth  he  had  gathered  through  a long 
reign  nothing  was  saved  from  the  grave,  and  the  cost  of  his 
funeral,  except  the  royal  coat  and  robe,  and  the  silver  ware, 
which  were  considered  crown  property — everything  else  was 
buried  to  enrich  their  late  owner  in  the  spirit  land. 


CHAPTER  VI 

NATIVE  GOVERNMENT  AND  LAM^S 

WE  learn  from  various  sources  that  in  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries  there  was  a strong  native  govern- 
ment that  had  its  centre  at  San  Salvador,  and  its  cir- 
cumference touched  Kabinda  in  the  north,  Angola  in  the  south, 
the  Sea  in  the  west,  and  in  the  east  it  reached  nearly  to  Stanley 
Pool,  and  away  towards  the  Kasai,  In  the  eighteenth  century 
this  powerful  native  state  gradually  broke  to  pieces.  The 
divisions  into  which  the  kingdom  had  been  divided,  and  which 
had  formerly  been  ruled  by  the  sons  and  nephews  of  the  King 
of  Kongo  (San  Salvador),  separated  themselves  from  the  central 
authority,  and  became  independent  of  all  control.  These 
provinces  also,  in  course  of  time,  crumpled  up,  until  at  last 
every  chief  became  a law  unto  himself  and  to  the  people  of 
his  village.  The  strong  raided  the  weak,  the  rowdy  bullies 
oppressed  the  quiet,  peaceable  folk,  carrying  them  olF  to  sell  as 
slaves  to  the  white  men  at  the  coast.  Murders  were  common, 
and  there  was  no  one  who  cared  to  punish  the  murderers  even 
if  he  had  the  power  to  do  so.  Anarchy  reigned  throughout 
the  country,  and  men,  women,  and  children  were  afraid  to 
venture  far  from  their  towns  and  villages,  for  gangs  of  rascals 
were  always  on  the  prowl  to  snap  up  the  undefended,  who  were 
at  once  sold  from  town  to  town  until  they  found  their  way  to 
the  horrors  of  the  slave  hold  on  a white  man’s  ship.  Not  a 
person  thus  caught  and  treated  as  a slave  but  was  the  child, 
the  mother,  the  brother,  the  sister,  the  father,  or  the  husband 
of  someone  left  to  mourn  bitterly  in  the  far-away  hinterland 
for  those  who  would  never  return. 

In  the  early  seventies  of  last  century  Besekele  and  Nkabi 

began  a crusade  against  fetishes,  charms,  &c. ; and  they 

60 


“CARPET”  GOVERNMENT 


61 


also  advocated  some  draconic  laws  to  suppress  the  lawless- 
ness 1 then  prevalent  throughout  the  country.  Their  sugges- 
tions were  accepted  by  village  after  village,  and  district  after 
district ; and  it  was  enacted  that  all  murders  and  attempts  to 
murder  should  be  punished  by  the  death  of  the  culprit,  no 
matter  of  what  rank  he  might  be;  and  even  murder  in  self- 
defence  should  be  punishable  by  death,  and  if  a man  struck  his 
mother  he  should  be  buimt  to  death  on  the  market ; that  raids, 
violence,  robbery,  and  kidnapping  should  be  severely  punished 
by  the  chiefs  of  the  district. 

They  instituted  a system  of  government  called  the  carpet 
(nkuwu),  upon  which  a chief  only  may  sit,  and  hence  “ carpet  ” 
became  synonymous  with  lawful  authority,  and  to  “ spread 
the  carpet  ” {yala  e nkuwu)  was  to  assume  lawful  authority ; 
and  to  “destroy  the  carpet”  (bangulu  e nkuwu)  was  to 
break  the  law,  to  commit  a serious  offence,  and  to  bring  about 
a state  of  anarchy.  For  one  of  the  peculiarities  of  this 
mode  of  government  is  this : that  when  the  law,  say,  against 
robbery  is  broken,  destroyed,  it  no  longer  exists — it  is  dead, 
and  anarchy  reigns  until  the  law  is  mended,  is  brought  back 
to  life,  i.e.  until  the  culprit  who  destroyed  the  law  has  paid 
the  fine ; hence  the  chiefs  are  forced  to  deal  with  cases 
quickly,  and  enforce  payments  of  all  fines  at  once,  and  thus 
restore  the  law,  othex’^vise  rascals  would  rob  right  and  left 
on  the  plea  that  no  law  exists  against  robbery — it  being 
dead,  having  been  killed  by  the  first  thief  who  goes  unjudged 
and  unpunished.  I have  seen  a whole  district  in  tumult,  and 
the  chiefs  and  headmen  hurrying  to  and  fro  to  find  and  bring 
a law-breaker  to  judgment ; and  meanwhile,  they  were  fearful 
that  some  rogues  would  take  advantage  of  the  fact  that  that 
law  was  dead. 

To  promulgate  a law  the  following  method  is  observed : 
The  greatest  chief  in  the  district  assembles  the  chiefs  of  the 
surrounding  villages,  and  tells  them  of  the  necessity  for  a new 
law  to  punish  certain  crimes  that  are  being  committed ; he 
then  informs  them  about  the  new  law  and  its  proposed 
penalties.  If  they  agree  to  it,  or  to  a modification  of  it,  he 


62 


PUNISHMENT  FOR  MURDER 


kills  two  or  three  pigs  and  divides  the  flesh  among  them  as  a 
witness  that  they  have  consented  to  the  new  law  and  its 
penalties.  They  then  appoint  a nenJcondo  (see  page  47)  to 
look  after  that  law  and  to  seek  out  the  person  who  breaks  it, 
and  inflict  the  fine  on  him,  which  fine  is  eventually  divided 
among  the  witnessing  chiefs  according  to  their  status.  The 
nenJcondo  can  demand  aid  of  any  chief  while  enforcing  the 
law. 

After  a law  has  been  accepted  the  witnessing  chiefs  will 
adjourn  to  a cross  road,  and  one  of  their  number  will  state  the 
law,  and  then  lying  on  the  ground  he  will  rub  his  mouth  in  the 
dirt,  and  after  striking  his  knees  with  the  palms  of  his  hands, 
he  will  invoke  a curse,  terrible  in  its  nature,  on  the  person 
who  dares  to  break  this  law  upon  which  the  chiefs  have  just 
agreed.  This  has  such  a terrifying  effect  on  the  people  that 
he  will  be  a reckless  fellow  indeed  who  risks  incurring  the  curse. 

We  will  deal  first  with  cases  of  homicide.  If  for  any  reason 
a man  desires  to  kill  another,  he  must  first  call  the  neigh- 
bouring chiefs  together,  and  tell  them  what  he  wants  to  do, 
and  his  reasons  for  wishing  to  kill  the  said  man.  If  they 
consent  he  presents  them  with  a pig  or  two  to  kill  and  divide 
among  themselves  as  a proof  of  their  consent,  and  a guarantee 
of  their  support  should  he  afterwards  be  accused  of  murder. 
This  seems  to  be  the  only  legal  way  to  execute  a person  who 
has  made  himself  impossible  in  his  district  by  his  violence  and 
rascality. 

The  man  who  commits  murder  must  be  given  up  by  his 
town  and  family  if  he  has  run  to  them  for  protection.  He  is 
tried  by  the  chiefs,  and,  on  being  condemned,  he  is  securely 
tied  until  the  next  market-day.  The  murderer  is  then  taken 
to  the  crowded  market  and  made  drunk  with  palm  wine ; then 
the  chief  man  of  the  district  dances  round  him  with  a sword, 
and  flashing  and  waving  it  about  the  culprit’s  head  he  makes 
a cut  in  the  forehead,  and  on  touching  the  prisoner  for  the 
third  time,  someone  rushes  out  of  the  crowd,  and  cuts  off  the 
murderer’s  head,  and  his  body  is  burnt  to  ashes.  By  reducing 
the  body  to  ashes  they  believe  that  they  thereby  destroy  his 


Photo  by  Rev.  R,  L.  Jennings 

Village  in  French  Congo 

This  well  illustrates  the  hilly  character  of  the  Lower  Congo,  the  kind  of  site  often  selected  for  a village,  the  sort  of  houses  built,  and  the  narrow 
path  made  by  the  natives  always  walking  in  single  hie.  The  grass  has  been  cleared  from  the  path  because  it  is  near  a village,  but  farther  away  the 
bush  comes  right  up  to  the  track. 


PUNISHMENT  FOR  MURDER 


63 


spirit,  and  thus  prevent  the  spirit  from  seeking  revenge  by  be- 
witching his  executioners. 

If  the  murderer  does  not  escape  to  his  town,  but  runs  else- 
where, then  his  family  must  hunt  for  him,  and  failing  to 
capture  him  they  must  pay  a fine  of  20,000  strings  of  blue 
pipe  beads.  If  the  homicide  is  afterwards  arrested  and  exe- 
cuted this  heavy  fine  is  not  returned  to  the  family,  conse- 
quently a man  does  not  run  far  unless  he  has  a grudge  against 
his  family. 

Should,  however,  the  man  be  caught  before  or  soon  after 
he  runs  away  his  family  pays  a fine  varying  from  2,000  to  5,000 
strings  of  beads,  and  on  being  proved  guilty  he  forfeits  his  life 
in  the  manner  already  described.  When  captured  the  prisoner 
is  handed  over  to  the  head  chief  of  the  district,  and  should 
the  prisoner  escape  from  him  he  is  then  entirety  free  from  any 
further  fear  of  capture  or  death.  The  family  of  the  murdered 
man  does  not  kill  any  member  of  the  murderer’s  family,  but  they 
receive  a portion  of  the  fine  inflicted  (nianga)  for  homicide. 

Should  a free  man  kill  a slave,  he  also  forfeits  his  life. 
Mfumu  Fofo,  a chief  near  San  Salvador,  in  pride  killed  his 
slave,  and  although  he  offered  two  slaves  and  a large  sum  of 
money  they  were  refused,  and  he  suffered  the  penalty  of  death. 
Mfumu  Fofo’s  body,  however,  was  not  burned,  as  is  the  custom 
with  the  corpses  of  those  executed  for  murder,  but  it  was 
given  to  his  family  for  burial. 

Some  years  ago  a certain  chief  ordered  his  slave  to  murder 
another  chief,  promising  to  protect  him  from  punishment.  The 
slave  obeyed  the  order  and  killed  his  master’s  enemy.  But  at 
the  trial  it  came  out  that  the  chief  had  instigated  his  slave 
to  commit  the  murder,  so  he  was  beheaded  and  burnt,  and 
the  slave  was  made  drunk,  put  in  an  old  house,  and  burnt  to 
death.  In  districts  far  removed  from  San  Salvador  there 
exists  the  custom  of  giving  and  accepting  substitutes  to  bear 
the  death  penalty. 

At  one  time  accidental  homicide  was  not  regarded  as  any- 
thing but  murder,  and  was  treated  accordingly ; but  of  recent 
years  it  has  been  recognised,  and  the  man  guilty  of  such  an 


64 


DEALING  WITH  THIEVES 


unfortunate  accident  pays  a small  fine  to  the  family  of  the  de- 
ceased as  compensation,  and  then  goes  to  a certain  kind  of 
medicine-man  ^ to  be  made  docile  and  careful. 

In  self-defence  it  is  now  permissible  to  take  the  life  of  a 
madman,  but  when  possible  a warning  is  sent  to  the  family 
of  the  insane  person  to  tell  them  to  guard  him  more  carefully, 
and  if  the  family  fail  to  do  so  the  insane  can  be  killed  by  any 
one  whose  life  he  threatens.  Should  the  insane  kill  a person, 
the  insane  himself  is  not  killed,  but  the  family  is  forced  to  pay 
a ruinous  fine  for  the  blood  shed.  As  these  people  have  no 
asylums,  and  no  chains  for  secui’ely  tying  madmen,  it  is  very 
difficult  for  them  to  look  properly  after  such,  and  thei-e  is  no 
doubt  that  the  violently  mad  are  often  quietly  poisoned,  or 
removed  by  some  other  means.  I have  noticed  that  they 
suddenly  disappear. 

A person  who  commits  suicide  is  not  always  buried,  but 
the  corpse  is  thrown  out  into  the  bush  to  be  eaten  by  wild 
beasts.  Sometimes  they  are  buried  at  the  cross  roads. 

There  are  many  fetishes  and  charms  whose  aid  is  invoked 
to  punish  with  foul  diseases  and  death  undiscovered  thieves. 
Living  as  I have  done  for  several  years  in  closest  touch  with 
these  Lower  Congo  natives,  I can  sincerely  give  them  a character 
for  honesty.  There  is  a certain  amount  of  pilfering  of  un- 
considered trifles  ; but,  in  these  later  years,  no  cases  of  robbery 
from  us.  Among  themselves  in  their  ordinary  town  life  they 
are  fairly  honest,  and  treating  us,  as  they  do,  as  belonging  to 
themselves,  they  regard  our  goods  with  respect,  and  any  who 
robbed  us  would  be  looked  upon  with  contempt  by  his  fellows. 
But  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  thieve  from  other  white  men 
when  they  have  the  opportunity,  and  the  goods  belonging  to 
strangers,  black  or  white,  are  considered  their  special  per- 
quisites if  they  can  be  appropriated  with  a fair  chance  of 
escaping  detection  and  punishment.^ 

* Ngang’  a Lenihe,  which  see  on  p.  226. 

^ These  remarks  refer  to  ordinary  natives,  and  not  to  Church  members. 
A man  or  woman  is  expelled  immediately  from  the  Church  for  the  slightest 
forgetfulness  of  the  difference  between  meum  et  tuum. 


DEALING  WITH  THIEVES 


65 


This  propensity  for  stealing  is  fully  recognised  by  the 
traders,  and  to  guard  their  goods  they  hire  a native  medicine- 
man to  make  a strong  fetish  for  punishing  thieves.  This  fetish 
is  placed  in  a prominent  position  in  their  stores — generally 
opposite  the  door — and  the  store  is  more  frequently  known  by 
the  name  of  “ fetish”  than  by  that  of  store.  Now  unless  these 
fetishes  I’eceive  sacrifices  of  fowls  and  goats,  i.e.  unless  their 
blood  is  poured  periodically  over  them,  the  fetishes  become 
powerless  and  inoperative,  and  every  native  knows  and  believes 
this,  so  although  the  fetish  may  restrain  them  for  a time,  yet 
after  a few  months,  or  even  weeks,  they  will  know  it  has  no 
further  power  to  work  them  any  harm.  On  the  other  hand 
the  native  procures  a fetish  called  ehunge  to  help  him  to 
successfully  rob  the  trader,  so  after  all  they  start  level,  one 
fetish  counteracting  the  other. 

The  convicted  thief  must  return  the  stolen  article,  or  its 
equivalent,  and  as  much  again  on  top ; and  in  addition  he  has 
to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  his  trial.  The  receiver  of  stolen 
goods  pays  one  half  the  fine ; but  if  a man  unwittingly  buys  a 
stolen  article  at  a fair  market  value,  and  has  witnesses  to  the 
transaction,  he  is  held  guiltless,  and  retains  the  article,  or  his 
money  is  returned. 

A thief  caught  robbing  a grave  is  either  killed  at  once,  and 
his  (or  her)  blood  poured  over  the  grave  as  an  oblation  to  the 
offended  spirits,  or  else  he  is  taken  to  the  market  and  killed 
there.  Sometimes  the  head  is  simply  cut  off  on  the  market, 
and  the  carcass  thrown  into  the  bush  or  down  a chasm  ; at 
other  times  the  culprit’s  body  is  buried  to  the  chin  and  ex- 
hibited thus  at  the  market  as  an  example  to  others,  and 
towards  evening  his  head  is  sliced  off.  The  thing  stolen  may 
not  be  worth  twopence ; but  the  family  of  the  person  buried 
whose  grave  has  been  robbed  is  terrified  lest  the  irritated 
spirit  owning  the  grave  should  angrily  visit  them  with  some 
dire  witchcraft. 

To  retain  a runaway  slave  is  considered  a theft  unless  the 
slave  “ eats  the  goat  ” (which  custom  see,  p.  72).  If  the  escaped 
slave  is  held  by  folk  of  the  same  clan  or  a kindred  clan  to  his 

E 


66 


PROCEDURE  IN  COURT 


owner,  the  chiefs  will  meet  and  order  the  slave  to  be  returned ; 
and  if  this  is  not  immediately  done,  the  holder  of  the  runaway 
slave  is  compelled  to  return  him  and  pay  another  slave  in 
addition  as  a fine.  If,  however,  the  slave  has  run  away  to 
another  tribe  the  owner  will  inform  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe  con- 
cerning his  escaped  slave,  and  if  he  is  not  returned  in  a 
reasonable  time  reprisals  are  made  on  any  of  the  goods  and 
persons  of  the  defaulting  tribe. 

In  a charge  of  theft  the  accuser  speaks  first  and  is  followed 
by  his  witnesses,  then  the  accused  and  his  witnesses.  Having 
heard  the  case  the  judges  take  the  witnesses  of  both  parties 
aside  and  cross-examine  them  closely.  If  the  accused  objects 
to  the  verdict  the  court  is  broken  up,  and  each  side  selects  its 
own  judge,  and  they,  sitting  together,  try  the  case,  and  from 
their  verdict  there  is  no  appeal.  Sometimes  the  defendant 
will  put  two  slaves  in  the  circle  and  say : “ If  I am  guilty  take 
those  slaves.”  Now  if  the  plaintiff  cannot  put  two  slaves  by 
their  side  he  loses  the  case.  I have  seen  a third  and  a fourth 
slave  put  as  a stake,  but  as  the  other  side  could  put  slave  for 
slave,  the  case  went  on.  If  the  plaintiff  had  failed  to  meet 
slave  with  slave  he  would  have  lost.  It  was  a sheer  bit  of 
bluff  on  the  part  of  the  defendant.  If  either  the  plaintiff  or 
the  defendant  declines  to  take  any  oath  proposed  by  his  op- 
ponent it  is  regarded  as  a proof  of  guilt,  and  the  verdict  is 
given  accordingly.  Beyond  being  driven  from  the  judgment 
place  there  is  no  punishment  for  a perjured  w'itness. 

Should  a judge  receive  a bribe,  and  fail  to  secure  a verdict 
for  his  client,  he  must  return  the  bribe,  and  pay  the  fine 
inflicted  on  the  briber — the  loser  of  the  case.  Such  a judge 
is  called  nempemb'  ewungu,  or  the  one  who  draws  the  whole 
affair  o’^  himself. 

If  two  men  quarrel  and  cut  each  other  they  both  pay  a 
fine  to  the  nsi  or  country;  but  if  one  only  is  wounded  the 
inflictor  of  the  injury  pays  the  fine.  Should  a man  cut  off 
another’s  arm,  or  destroy  an  eye,  the  fine  (nsiku)  is  given  to  the 
chiefs  who  made,  administered,  and  enforced  the  law  against 
this  offence.  None  of  it  is  given  in  compensation  to  the 


FINES  FOR  SMALLER  OFFENCES  67 


injured  man ; and  if  a pig  is  paid  as  the  whole  or  part  of  the 
fine  imposed,  the  wounded  man  receives  a strip  of  meat  from 
the  belly  part  of  the  pig,  the  head  is  given  to  the  offender,  and 
the  remainder  is  divided  among  the  chiefs.  Whenever  a pig 
or  a goat  is  paid  as  a fine  the  head  of  the  animal  goes  to  the 
person  fined,  and  should  he  pay  in  francs,  which  is  now 
frequently  done,  then  two  francs  are  returned  as  the  “ pig’s 
head.”  In  1909  I judged  a case  of  forgery  and  fined  the  man 
ten  francs,  and  when  he  paid  the  fine  a few  days  later  he 
asked  for  the  “ pig’s  head.”  When  a man  falsely  accuses 
another  he  must  pay  compensation  to  the  accused.  Their 
proverb  runs:  “ If  you  put  your  neighbour’s  head  in  a plate, 
and  it  does  not  fit  him,  then  the  plate  fits  your  head,”  i.e.  you 
are  guilty  of  what  you  accuse  him,  and  must  therefore  pay  up. 

A stranger  is  entertained  with  house  and  food  as  long 
as  he  likes  to  stay,  and  on  his  leaving  no  presents  are  expected. 
I am  afraid  this  is  more  theory  than  fact.  If  the  visitor 
breaks  the  law  he  is  driven  away  from  the  village,  and  if 
his  clan  is  known  to  his  entertainers  they  are  asked  to  pay  the 
damages.  But  when  native  traders  sojourn  in  a town  they 
are  entertained,  and  on  leaving  they  are  expected  to  give 
presents  to  those  from  whom  they  have  received  hospitality. 

A slave,  if  he  has  a generous  master,  may  free  himself 
by  giving  one  slave  in  payment  for  himself  to  his  owner  ; but 
as  a rule  two  slaves — a male  and  a female — are  demanded  as 
compensation.  For  every  thii-d,  sixth,  ninth,  and  so  on, 
journey  a slave  makes  to  the  “coast”  for  trading  purposes 
with  his  master,  he  receives  pay,  and  these  sums  thus  earned 
are  absolutely  his  own.  He  saves  the  money,  trades  with  it, 
and  thus  lays  the  foundation  of  that  personal  wealth  by  means 
of  which  he  is  able  to  redeem  himself.  As  a married  slave  he 
receives  extra  pay  for  the  above  journeys. 

The  master  has  no  rights  over  a slave’s  house,  and  no  real 
claims  to  sleep  with  his  slave’s  wife,  although  she  is  also  his 
own  slave ; but  some  masters  disregard  this  rule,  and  as  a 
consequence  the  slaves  do  not  respect  their  masters’  wives. 
The  descendants  of  slaves  are  slaves,  but  they  are  not  sold 


68 


COLLECTING  DEBTS 


as  freely  as  those  recently  acquired  by  the  family.  Failing 
heirs  the  master  inherits  his  slave’s  property ; but  if  the  slave 
has  a family  they  take  the  goods  of  their  slave  father,  and  if 
they  are  wise  they  give  their  master  a fair  shai’e. 

The  children  of  a slave  father  by  a free  mother  are  free 
born,  for  mother-right  is  the  recognised  rule  on  the  Lower 
Congo  ; but  those  by  a free  father  and  a slave  mother  are 
regarded  as  being  above  slaves,  but  below  free  men  : for  they 
have  no  family — their  mother  being  a slave.  When  a female 
descendant  of  the  family’s  slaves  is  given  as  a wife  to  a man 
to  replace  a daughter  who  has  died,  a pi'esent  is  given  with 
her,  lest  she  be  regarded  as  a slave  by  her  husband  ; and  this 
present  is  called  “ a purifying  of  the  blood  ” (nsukulu  a mengd), 
and  this  removes  the  slave  element  in  her,  and  she  is  hence- 
forth treated  as  a fi'ee  woman. 

There  were  several  ways  of  collecting  debts,  of  which  the 
following  indicate  the  worst  evils  of  the  old  system,  a system 
which  is  still  in  vogue  in  remote  districts : 

A creditor,  too  weak  to  enforce  payment,  transferred  his 
credit  to  a stronger  man,  but  not  for  more  than  the  amount 
due.  The  new  creditor  then  sent  early  one  morning  to  the 
debtor’s  town,  and  as  he  stepped  from  his  house  he  was  caught, 
tied,  and  carried  away ; and  if  he  could  not  pay  the  debt  and 
an  exorbitant  sum  as  interest  he  was  immediately  sold  into 
slavery. 

If  B owed  A a debt  which  the  latter  could  not  recover 
after  much  dunning,  A would  wait  his  time  and  catch  some 
people  belonging  to  B,  and  to  one  of  them  he  would  give 
a fowl  and  a “ hand  ” of  plantain,  and  send  him  to  B with  news 
of  the  capture.  If  B did  not  then  pay  his  debt  and  interest  A 
had  the  right  to  refund  himself  by  selling  his  captives  as 
slaves.  If  A did  not  send  a fowl  and  a “ hand  ” of  plantain  to 
the  debtor,  he  put  himself  in  the  wrong  for  not  giving  due 
notice  of  his  action,  and  thus  laid  himself  open  to  prosecution 
and  a heavy  fine.  If  A found  that  he  had  tied  up  the  wrong 
people  he  presented  his  captives  with  a pig  as  compensation 
and  set  them  free. 


NATIVE  PALAVER 


69 


Another,  but  a roundabout  method  of  procuring  the 
settlement  of  a debt  is  as  follows : A,  the  creditor,  is  a weak 
man,  and  the  debtor  B is  a strong  man,  who  would  retaliate  on 
A if  the  latter  captured  his  people ; but  at  the  same  time  A 
wants  his  money  and  interest.  A therefore  ties  up  some 
people  belonging  to  C,  a very  powerful  man,  and  then  sends  C 
a fowl  and  a “ hand  ” of  plantain  with  a full  explanation  of 
the  affair.  Thereupon  C goes  to  B and  compels  him  to  pay 
the  debt  with  full  interest,  and  what  amount  C likes  on  top  to 
compensate  himself  and  his  people  for  their  trouble  and 
inconvenience.  C would  make  no  palaver  with  A,  knowing  he 
was  well  within  his  rights  according  to  native  custom.  It 
would  have  been  much  cheaper  for  B to  have  settled  with  A 
rather  than  with  C. 

A few  years  ago  a chief,  Mampuya  of  Kinkuzu,  called  on 
me  at  Wathen  station  to  request  that  a teacher  be  sent  to 
his  town.  He  seemed  a very  quiet,  gentlemanly  sort  of  man, 
and  I was  very  much  surprised  to  hear  that  he  had  not  always 
been  so  deferential  and  modest,  as  the  following  incident  in 
his  life  will  show : Mampuya  at  one  time  treated  the  people 
of  his  town  in  a very  contemptuous  fashion,  and  was  always 
extorting,  on  one  plea  or  another,  fowls,  goats,  and  barter 
goods  from  them.  At  last  they  could  bear  his  extortions  no 
longer,  so  one  day  they  bound  him  securely,  and  putting  him 
on  a shelf  in  his  own  house,  they  made  a fire  under  him  and 
sprinkled  a quantity  of  red  pepper  on  it,  and  went  out, 
shutting  the  door  closely  behind  them.  The  pungent  smoke 
filled  the  hut,  and  Mampuya  sneezed  tremendously,  and  would 
have  died  if  sufficient  pepper  had  been  thrown  on  the  fire. 
After  a time  they  took  him  out  of  the  smoke,  and  tied  a stick 
across  his  chest  to  his  extended  arms  with  the  intention  of 
punishing  still  further;  but  he  paid  a fine  and  made  many 
promises  of  better  behaviour,  which  promises  he  has  thought 
well  to  fulfil,  for  the  sneezing  cure  is  far  from  pleasant.^  The 
above  treatment  is  also  meted  out  to  incorrigible  pilferers  and 
petty  thieves. 

* From  Congo  Life  and  Folklore,  by  the  author.  Religious  Tract  Society. 


70 


BANKING  AND  CLUBBING 


Most  chiefs  inherit  their  positions  from  their  brothers  or 
uncles,  but  in  one  town  I know,  Kakongo,  they  elected  a new 
chief  every  year.  Jealousy  was  the  cause  of  this  departure 
from  ordinary  custom.  If  a chief  is  tyrannical  the  people  are 
not  allowed  to  escape  to  another  town.  They  may  “ teach  ” 
a chief  to  rule  wisely  and  treat  his  people  properly  by  the 
above-mentioned  pepper  cure,  but  they  may  not  desert  him. 

They  have  a system  of  banking,  or  mutual  help,  called 
temo.  Forty  men,  say,  arrange  to  pay  every  certain  market 
day  an  agreed  sum,  and  the  total  on  each  market  day  is  handed 
to  one  of  their  number  to  trade  or  do  with  as  he  pleases. 
Sometimes  a number  of  young  men  will  form  such  a club  to 
find  the  marriage  money  for  each  in  his  turn.  A failure  to 
meet  one’s  liability  when  due  has  often  involved  the  defaulting 
party  in  slavery,  and  was  in  the  old  days  a fruitful  source  of 
slave  supply.  I have  known  ten  lads  (and  workmen  also)  club 
thus  together  to  give  each  Saturday  their  ration  money  to  one 
of  their  number.  The  result  was  that  for  one  week  in  the  ten 
they  lived  like  princes,  and  for  the  other  nine  weeks  they 
either  starved  or  begged.  Against  this  custom  of  clubbing 
their  rations  we  set  our  faces  most  strongly,  but  at  times  it 
was  too  well  concealed  for  us  to  discover  it. 

The  following  cases  will  clearly  illustrate  some  points  in 
native  law  : a pig  belonging  to  the  people  of  Lumweno,  a 
town  near  Wathen,  was  killed  by  a Mansangi  man  on  a 
farm  belonging  to  the  Mansangi  people.  The  Lumweno 
folk  demanded  payment  for  the  pig,  but  this  was  refused  on 
the  ground  that  any  pigs  found  digging  up  cassava  roots  on 
a farm  can  be  killed.  After  a time  the  Mansangi  women  went 
to  work  again  on  that  particular  farm,  but  their  hoes  were 
taken  away  by  the  Lumweno  women,  who  were  more  numerous, 
and  they  claimed  the  land  on  the  ground  that  a Lumweno 
pig  had  been  killed  on  it  and  no  compensation  paid.  The 
same  evening  the  Mansangi  chief  sent  a letter  to  the  Lumweno 
chief.  The  messenger  carried  a gun,  which  was  against  native 
custom,  and  so  the  Lumweno  people  took  the  gun  away  from 
him,  on  the  plea  that  “the  messenger  was  bringing  force  into 


Congo  Nobles 

The  lad  standing  is  a son  of  the  late  King,  Dom  Pedro  V.  The  one  with  the 
sword  is  Dom  Alvaro,  a counsellor;  and  the  other  is  the  Kapitau  who  installed 
the  nobles,  see  page  44.  This  photo  was  taken  at  St.  Paul  de  Loando  in  the  early 
eighties,  when  thej'  were  on  an  embassy  to  the  Governor. 


Photo  by  Dr,  Mercier  Gatnhle 

An  Ancient  Font 

This  was  recently  found  near  the  ruins  of  the  old  cathedral,  and  probably  dates 
back  to  the  sixteenth  century. 


NATIVE  PALAVER 


71 


their  town.”  The  chiefs  of  the  district  settled  the  palaver  by 
fining  the  Lumweno  people  one  pig  (worth  325.)  because  they 
claimed  land  which  did  not  belong  to  them,  as  the  killing  of 
a pig  gave  them  no  rights  over  the  land  on  which  it  was 
killed ; they  also  fined  the  Mansangi  people  one  goat  (worth 
85.)  because  the  messenger  had  no  right  to  carry  a gun  when 
he  went  to  deliver  a letter.  This  took  place  in  1909. 

“ In  June  1908  Mayaji,  a chief  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Wathen,  accused  Makuka,  a small  chief,  of  committing 
adultery  with  one  of  his  wives,  and  giving  him  a venereal 
disease  by  giving  her  ‘medicine’  to  put  on  her  husband. 
Mayaji  waited  until  Makuka  visited  his  town,  and  without 
any  proper  trial  he  caught  him,  and,  shutting  him  in  a house, 
he  threatened  to  burn  him  in  it.  Some  of  Makuka’s  people, 
hearing  of  this,  went  to  Mayaji’s  town  unarmed  (to  have  taken 
arms  would  have  put  them  in  the  wrong),  to  see  if  they  could 
release  their  chief.  Mayaji  made  an  attack  on  them  with 
sticks  and  knives,  and  severely  wounded  five  of  them. 

“ The  whole  country  side  deprecates  Mayaji’s  action,  but 
before  Makuka  can  fight  Mayaji  he  must  call  the  neighbouring 
chiefs  together  and  lay  his  case  before  them,  and  if  they 
consent  to  his  fighting  the  other  chief,  he  will  give  them  some 
pigs  to  ensure  their  friendship  and  neutrality.  They  will  see 
that  no  other  chief  goes  to  help  Mayaji,  or  in  that  case  they 
will  take  Makuka’s  side.  By  his  pig’s  meat  Makuka  enters 
into  an  alliance  with  the  consenting  chiefs,  and  thus  gains  an 
open  field  and  non-interference  while  he  is  fighting  his  enemy. 
It  may  take  Makuka  many  months  to  collect  the  necessary 
pigs  and  lay  in  a stock  of  gunpowder ; and  when  all  is  ready 
war  will  be  declared.”  These  notes  were  written  at  the  time, 
but  the  fight  never  came  off,  as  the  affair  was  settled  by  a 
“ palaver.” 

To  keep  a runaway  wife  is  also  regarded  as  a theft.  If  a 
wife  runs  to  her  family,  they  may  keep  her  for  a week  or  two 
while  her  husband’s  anger  is  cooling  down ; but  they  must 
then  return  her  with  a goat,  or  three  fowls,  and  some  native 
bread  (kwavga),  as  a peace  offering  to  the  husband,  even 


72 


RUNAWAY  WIFE 


though  his  ill-treatment  may  have  caused  her  to  leave  him.  If 
the  woman  absolutely  refuses  to  return  then  the  marriage 
money  with  large  interest — from  300  to  500  per  cent, — is  re- 
funded to  the  man ; but  if  the  husband  is  notoriously  cruel, 
public  opinion  will  force  him  to  accept  the  marriage  money 
without  any  interest  whatever. 

The  following  incident  came  under  my  notice  while  living 
in  San  Salvador : I treated  a woman  for  a severe  cut  on  the 

shoulder,  and  on  inquiry  I found  that  she  was  the  wife  of  a 
neighbouring  chief,  who,  when  asked  by  his  wife  for  permission 
to  visit  another  town,  knocked  her  down  and  cut  her  with  a 
knife.  A man  may  beat  his  wife  as  much  as  he  likes,  but  if  he 
draws  even  a little  blood  he  ;is  liable  to  a heavy  fine.  This 
woman  came  to  the  King  for  pi’otection,  and  when  she  had  been 
in  the  town  two  or  three  days,  the  King  sent  to  the  husband, 
demanding  a heavy  amount  in  beads,  which  the  husband  paid  ; 
but  when  the  King  sought  to  return  the  woman  she  was  not  to 
be  found,  for  she  had  escaped  to  another  chief.  As  his  majesty 
had  taken  up  the  matter,  had  received  the  fine,  and  the  woman 
was  in  his  charge,  he  had  either  to  procure  the  return  of  the 
woman  from  the  chief  to  whom  she  had  fled,  or  compensate 
the  husband  with  another  woman  in  her  place.  The  King, 
after  some  considerable  trouble,  and  the  payment  of  a part  of 
his  profits,  was  able  to  send  the  woman  back  to  her  husband. 
This  law,  however,  makes  a man  guard  and  control  his  passions, 
and  also  deters  folk  from  interfering  in  the  quarrels  of  others. 
She  was  a free  woman ; but  if  she  had  been  a slave  a few  cuts 
more  or  less  would  not  have  troubled  anyone. 

In  connection  with  slaves  there  is  a custom  that  somewhat 
ameliorates  their  condition  by  ensuring  for  them  decent  treat- 
ment and  proper  consideration.  A slave  badly  treated  by  his 
master  may  run  off  to  another,  who  will,  he  thinks,  use  him 
more  kindly.  On  arrival  before  the  selected  chief  he  kneels 
before  him  and  pays  homage,  saying,  “ I have  come  to  you 
because  my  master  does  many  bad  things  to  me.  Will  you 
accept  of  me  ? " If  the  chief  listens  to  him  and  decides  to 
accept  of  him,  he  kills  a goat,  and  they  eat  a portion  of  it 


THE  “GOAT  ” SLAVE 


73 


together.  This  is  a token  that  the  chief  has  agreed  to 
accept  him.  Guns  are  fired  and  the  people  shout  “Nkombo ! 
Nkombo!”  (Goat!  Goat!),  and  all  the  town  is  jubilant 
because  of  the  event. 

On  the  next  market  day  the  chief  takes  him  and  shows  him 
on  the  market  as  one  who  has  eaten  his  goat,  and  is  no  longer 
a slave.  The  old  master  must  accept  the  ordinary  market 
value  of  his  former  slave : and  he  is  not  allowed  to  take  him 
again,  or  buy  him  for  any  amount  of  money.  The  whilom 
slave  takes  his  name  from  the  ceremony  of  eating  the  goat,  and 
is  henceforth  called  Nkombo  (Goat).  He  is  not  the  slave 
of  the  man  who  gave  him  the  goat,  but  is  practically  a free 
man.  These  “ Goats  ” are  very  highly  appreciated  by  chiefs, 
as  they  generally  become  very  faithful  followers  of  those  with 
whom  they  have  eaten  the  goat.  Some  chiefs  buy  costly  charms 
for  the  purpose  of  attracting  these  “ Goats'”  to  them. 


CHAPTER  VII 

LANGUAGE,  IDIOMS,  AND  PROVERBS 

ON  arriving  at  San  Salvador  in  February  1882  we  had 
placed  in  our  hands  a list  of  words  that  had  so  far 
been  collected.  The  Mission  was  very  young,  scarcely 
more  than  two  years  old ; and  much  time  had  been  spent  in 
trying  to  open  a road  to  Stanley  Pool,  strength  had  been  ex- 
pended in  establishing  means  of  regular  communication  with 
a suitable  base  on  the  river,  and  with  developing  the  trans- 
port. Besides,  there  had  been  frequent  fevers,  and  death  had 
not  been  idle,  therefore  it  was  not  surprising  that  the  number 
of  words  collected  was  veiy  small,  and  many  were  incorrect ; 
that  there  were  no  grammar  notes,  and  in  fact  very  little  to 
help  a new  arrival  in  learning  the  native  language.^ 

We  found,  however,  some  headmen  who  knew  Portuguese, 
and  as  a Portuguese  Grammar  and  Dictionary  were  in  those 
days  a part  of  our  outfit,  and  we  had  been  employing  the 
tedious  seven  weeks  of  our  voyage  in  studying  that  language, 
we  set  to  work  to  familiarise  ourself  more  thoroughly  with  it, 
that  we  might  use  it  as  a medium  for  delivering  the  message 
we  had  gone  so  far  to  preach.  If  any  of  my  readers  have  ever 
employed  interpreters  under  the  same  conditions,  i.e.  both  the 

^ The  late  Dr.  Bentley  was  the  linguist  of  the  pioneer  party,  and  to 
him  all  new  words  and  their  definitions,  all  grammar  notes,  &c.,  were 
given  by  his  colleagues  ; and  at  this  time  he  had  in  his  possession  a good 
vocabulary  of  words,  and  many  grammar  notes,  all  in  manuscript,  which 
he  afterwards  embodied  in  his  monumental  work.  Dictionary  and  Grammar 
of  the  Kongo  Language,  Trubner  & Co.,  1887.  Dr.  Bentley  remained,  until 
the  time  of  his  lamented  death  in  1905,  the  philologist  and  translator  par 
excellence  in  the  Lower  Congo  language ; but  at  the  time  of  which  the 
author  writes.  Dr.  Bentley  was  living  several  days’  journey  from  San 
Salvador,  and  had  all  his  MSS.  with  him.  What  he  did  for  the  Lower 
Congo  language  others  have  done  for  the  various  languages  on  the  Upper 
Congo. 


74 


INTERPRETERS 


75 


speaker  and  the  interpreter  using  a language  not  their  own, 
they  will  appreciate  our  difficulty ; and  when  it  is  remembered 
that  the  interpreters  were  ignorant  of  the  new  ideas  to  be 
imparted,  and  were  utterly  indifferent  to  them,  it  will  be 
obvious  that  our  difficulties  were  greatly  increased.  No  matter 
how  warmly  the  words  might  well  up  from  our  own  hearts, 
they  lost  their  warmth,  grip  and  force  as  they  issued  from  the 
lips  of  our  unsympathetic  interpreters. 

By-and-by  as  we  became  better  acquainted  with  the  lan- 
guage, we  discovered  that  our  interpreters,  who  were  native 
traders,  often  gave  the  congregation  an  account  of  their 
journeys  to  and  from  the  “ coast,”  their  views  respecting  the 
manner  in  which  the  various  white  traders  treated  their  native 
customers,  and  a comparison  of  the  prices  of  trade  goods  at 
the  different  trading  establishments.  We  remonstrated  with 
them,  and  they  readily  admitted  their  delinquencies  and  glibly 
promised  amendment;  but  the  climax  was  reached  when  one 
Sunday  morning  the  interpreter  solemnly  gave  the  audience 
an  account  of  a wonderful  snake  that  was  “ nearly  long  enough 
to  go  all  round  the  town.”  It  was  a maiwellous  story  ! and  we 
could  see  from  the  eyes  and  faces  of  the  congregation  that  the 
details  were  most  thrilling.  We  never  used  those  Portuguese 
interpreters  again ; but  bent  our  minds  more  assiduously  than 
ever  to  gain  a proper  knowledge  of  the  people’s  tongue. 

The  Kisi-Kongo  language,  with  more  or  less  dialectical 
differences,  is  spoken  over  a very  wide  area,  stretching  from 
Loango  in  the  north  to  Angola  to  the  south,  and  from  the 
sea  coast  to  within  twenty  miles  of  Stanley  Pool — probably 
co-extensive  with  the  ancient  Kingdom  of  Kongo.  More  than 
fourteen  thousand  root  words  have  already  been  collected,  and 
these  with  their  derivatives  give  a working  vocabulary  con- 
taining between  sixty  and  seventy  thousand  words,  all  ex- 
pressing some  definite  shade  of  meaning.  That  a people 
should  employ  such  a large  number  of  words  is  no  small  proof 
of  their  mental  calibre,  for  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
these  words  were  in  use^  or  they  would  have  been  forgotten, 
as  there  has  been  no  literature,  until  recently,  in  which  to 
preserve  them  and  keep  alive  their  meanings. 


76  AN  ALLITERATIVE  LANGUAGE 


So  much  has  been  written  and  published  on  Bantu  languages 
that  the  student  who  desires  to  probe  deeply  into  the  subject 
has  now  at  his  disposal  such  a number  of  books  as  would 
form,  if  collected,  no  mean  library;  we  propose,  therefore, 
only  to  give  in  a few  paragraphs  some  of  the  salient  points 
that  will  be  of  interest  to  the  general  reader. 

The  late  Dr.  Bentley,  in  his  introduction  to  his  Dictionary 
and  Grammar  of  the  Kongo  Language,  gives  a graphic  descrip- 
tion of  its  reduction  to  writing,  the  discovery  of  the  rules, 
all  unconsciously  employed,  by  which  the  natives  speak  their 
splendid  language,  and  the  difficulties  he  encountered.  Kisi- 
Kongo,  like  all  Bantu  dialects,  is  alliterative  in  the  construc- 
tion of  its  sentences,  Le.  that  the  prefix  of  the  nominative 
noun  of  the  sentence  becomes  the  prefix  of  all  the  words 
dependent  on  it,  e.g. : 


fcinkutu  Hame  A:iampwena  A;iambote 

coat  my  large  good 

Ariandombe  Ariavididi  ezono  Arisolokele 

black  it  lost  yesterday  it  has  turned  up. 

= My  large,  good,  black  coat  which  was  lost  yesterday 
has  turned  up. 


The  singular  prefix  Ki  of  the  first  word,  which  is  the 
nominative  noun,  becomes  the  initial  prefix  of  the  woi’ds 
in  subjection  to  it.  If  it  had  been  plural,  it  would  have 
been  yinkutu  yame  yampwena,  &c.  = coats  my  large,  &c. 
Though  difficult  at  first  to  master,  and  the  cause  of  many 
ludicrous  and  annoying  slips,  yet  it  makes  for  clearness  of 
meaning. 

There  are  fifteen  classes  of  alliterative  concord,  and  all 
the  nouns  in  the  language  belong  to  one  or  other  of  these 
classes;  and  immediately  the  class  to  which  a noun  belongs 
is  known,  its  pronominal  prefixes,  its  possessive  and  demon- 
strative pronouns,  &c.,  are  easily  constructed  by  the  fixed 
rules  of  usage,  and  the  plural  form  is  also  readily  recognised. 
There  are  twenty-nine  ways  of  saying  good,  bad,  black,  great, 
and  every  other  adjective  in  the  language,  i.e.  every  adjective 
has  a different  singular  or  plural  form  according  to  the  par- 


MANY  ADJECTIVES 


77 


ticular  class  to  which  the  noun  that  it  qualifies  belongs,  e.g. 
dinkondo  (plantain)  is  a noun  of  the  eighth  class,  and  “ good  ” 
in  that  class  is  diamhote  (plur.  mambote),  but  luhu  (mosquito) 
belongs  to  the  eleventh  class,  and  “ good  ” in  that  class  is 
luambote  (plur.  twambote);  and  thus  through  all  the  classifica- 
tions into  which  the  nouns  may  be  divided.  The  fifteenth 
class  is  the  diminutive  and  has  no  plural,  hence  there  are 
twenty-nine  forms  instead  of  thirty. 

The  verb  is  very  complicated,  and  to  set  it  out  with  any 
clearness  would  demand  more  space  than  we  can  afford  in 
a work  that  is  not  a grammar.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  it  is 
rich,  flexible,  and  expressive;  and  that  the  finest  shades  of 
thought  can  be  clearly  indicated,  and  no  practical  difficulty 
has  been  experienced  in  translating  the  New  Testament  and 
other  books,  as  the  Pilgrim's  Progress,  into  the  language.  It 
has  an  active  (ba1ca=io  catch),  a passive  {bakwa—io  be 
caught),  a middle  voice  (bakama=to  get  caught).  It  has  a 
prepositional  form  (bakila= to  catch  for,  or  with),  a causative 
{bakisa=^to  cause  to  catch),  a reciprocal  ibakana=to  catch 
one  another),  a repetitive  (Jbakulula=to  catch  again  and 
again),  a reversive  {bakiila=to  uncatch  = to  let  loose),  a 
reflexive  {kubaka=to  catch  oneself);  and  sometimes  three 
or  four  of  these  forms  are  found  in  combination  with  a single 
verb,  eg.  kangijianisina=to  cause  to  untie  one  another  for, 
or  with. 

The  idiomatic  use  of  many  of  its  words  and  phrases  make 
not  only  for  picturesqueness  of  speech,  but  also  afford  an 
interesting  glimpse  of  the  native  way  of  looking  at  things ; 
and  the  foreigner  must  master  these  idioms  before  he  can  hope 
to  be  clearly  and  easily  understood  by  the  people.  The 
following  are  a few  of  their  picture-words : the  italics  are 
literal  translations  of  native  words  and  sentences.  If  a person 
asks  a question  it  is  no  use  to  say  in  Congo  that  you  will 
think  over  it  and  give  a reply  in  a day  or  two,  for  such  words 
would  not  be  understood ; but  if  you  say  that  you  will  drink 
water,  and  will  vomit  the  water  in  one  or  two  days  you  will  be 
immediately  understood.  To  consider  a matter  is  to  drink 
water,  and  to  give  an  answer  is  to  vomit  the  water  you  are 


78 


IDIOMS 


supposed  to  have  drunk.  The  verb  to  see  takes  the  place  of 
our  verb  to  feel,  hence  they  see  hunger,  see  shame,  see  tiredness, 
see  cold,  &c. 

When  speaking  about  the  emotions  and  feelings  various 
figures  of  speech  are  employed  that  are  both  forcible  and 
expressive : the  heart  stands  up  when  one  is  afraid ; to  be 
contented  is  to  have  the  heart  levelled  down,  and  to  soothe  or 
comfort  a person  is  to  knock  down  his  heart,  i.e.  to  level  it  down 
to  where  it  should  be.  A person  expresses  his  disappointment 
by  saying  that  his  heart  is  hent  backwards ; to  be  determined 
about  anything  is  to  have  the  heart  tied  to  the  object;  our 
colloquial  phrase  “ to  be  in  a stew  ” has  its  counterpart  in  the 
words  that  the  heart  has  been  put  on  the  fire  ; the  heart  stutters 
is  the  equivalent  for  vacillation ; to  be  perfectly  frank,  hiding 
nothing,  is  to  cut  open  the  heart;  and  to  be  sorry  for  one’s 
evil  doings  is  to  turn  the  heart  round. 

There  are  also  many  interesting  expressions  used  about 
anger,  and  a few  examples  will  illustrate  their  aptness.  To  be 
sulky  or  sullen  is  to  have  anger  insufikiently  cooked;  one  with 
a hasty  temper  is  said  to  pull  out  his  anger ; and  of  a person 
who  habitually  loses  his  temper  it  is  said,  that  he  is  a native  of 
the  town  of  Lose-your-temper.  An  eel  {nsomvi)  is  supposed  to 
possess  a very  small  stomach  which  is  quickly  and  easily  filled, 
hence  a person  quick  to  anger  is  said  to  have  th^  stomach  of  an  eel. 

To  have  a pleasant  outward  appearance  is  spoken  of  as 
flattery  of  the  eyes ; to  be  dumbfounded  is  to  be  tied  up  ; and 
to  be  unable  to  refute  an  argument  finds  expression  in  the 
phrase,  You  have  drunk  the  palm-wine ; to  talk  incessantly  is  to 
cause  wo7'ds  to  come  in  croiods,  and  one  who  contradicts  himself 
talks  in  smears  and  blots ; a person  who  uses  obscure  language 
is  said  to  have  his  words  locked  up,  and  evasion  is  to  talk  in 
halves.  To  support  or  agree  to  a matter  is  to  push  on  the 
water  bottle ; and  to  refuse  utterly  to  give  attention  is  to  expel 
the  request  from  the  ears  by  shaking  them  violently  and  noisily 
as  a dog  or  goat  does : the  word  for  this  kind  of  absolute 
refusal  is  the  same  as  that  used  to  describe  the  flap,  flap  of  the 
ears  when  a dog,  or  goat  shakes  its  head  violently  to  drive 
away  the  flies. 


IDIOMS 


79 


The  feeling  of  weakness  or  cramp  in  the  legs  after  an 
illness,  is  stated  by  the  saying,  My  legs  have  been  nibbled,  as 
though  a mouse  had  been  at  them ; a thoughtless  action 
which  involves  great  loss  is  likened  to  the  wicJcedness  of  a fly 
that  alights  for  a moment  on  a carcase,  and  thus  causes  it  to 
go  rotten  very  soon — a small  action  leading  to  irreparable 
consequences.  To  shame  a person  is  to  grind  their  self-respect 
into  small  pieces  so  that  it  will  not  cover  them ; and  to 
humiliate  a person  is  to  weed  up  their  pride,  and  to  weed  up  a 
person's  anger  is  to  conciliate  him. 

A cross-eyed  person  is  said  to  have  his  eyes  ajar ; and  the 
rays  of  light  streaming  from  behind  a dark  cloud  are  the  legs 
of  the  sun.  Did  you  ask  permission  to  be  where  you  are  f is  a 
wise  way  of  stating,  “ I have  as  much  right  here  as  you  ” ; and 
one  who  acquires  a fashion,  or  conforms  to  a new  condition  of 
things  is  said  to  have  swallowed  them,  they  have  become  so 
much  a part  of  himself.  When  an  event  takes  place  the 
reason  for  which  is  hidden,  the  perplexed  person  says.  One  and 
three,  but  there  is  something  in  the  middle,  i.e.  there  is  a word 
missing,  or  the  cause  of  these  actions  is  obscure. 

Sometimes  we  come  aci’oss  puns,  or  a play  upon  words.  The 
word  for  hunger  (nzala)  is  the  same  as  for  finger-nails,  and 
They  gave  me  a good  knife  to  cut  my  nails  is  used  as  the 
equivalent  for,  “ They  gave  me  nice  food  to  cut  {satisfy)  my 
hunger.”  Again,  the  word  for  horns  {mpaka)  stands  also  for 
objection,  and  when  two  bullocks,  brow  to  brow,  are  shifting 
their  horns  about  to  get  a grip  and  thus  push  one  another 
down,  the  identical  phrase.  To  move  the  horns  about,  is  used  of 
two  men  having  an  argument — moving  their  objections  about 
to  floor  each  other  in  the  discussion. 

The  wit  and  wisdom  of  a people  are  often  found  in  their 
proverbs — those  crisp  sayings  expressed  by  one  which  crystallise 
the  experience  of  the  many.  One  writer  calls  them  “the 
hob-nailed  philosophy  of  the  people ; ” and  another  says  that 
“ proverbs  are  the  daughters  of  daily  experience.”  An  African 
tribe  does  not  lack  experiences  because  it  is  savage,  and  it 
speaks  well  for  their  intellectual  acuteness  that  we  find  so 
numerous  a progeny  of  such  “daughters”  existing  in  the 


80 


PROVERBS 


Lower  Congo  language.  The  probability  is  that  many 
“daughters”  have  died  at  birth,  for  until  missionaries  went 
there  the  people  were  without  a written  language  in  which  to 
preserve  the  offsprings  of  their  fancy,  or  record  the  birth  of  a 
witty  or  pointed  aphorism. 

A proverb  loses  much  of  its  obviousness,  and  not  a little 
of  its  terseness  and  force,  by  translation  into  another  language ; 
and  when  the  translation  is  made  from  an  African  language 
into  a European  one  the  difficulty  is  somewhat  increased. 
The  environment  of  the  black  man,  his  point  of  view,  his 
habit  of  thought,  and  his  superstitions,  touching  as  they 
do  every  part  of  his  life,  all  tend  to  make  it  anything  but 
easy  to  place  a white  man  in  such  a position  that  he  w'ill  at 
once  appreciate  the  full  flavour  of  some  of  the  African  pro- 
verbs. For  this  reason  a large  number  of  them  will  never  be 
translated  into  any  European  tongue,  as  they  would  demand 
a long,  close  study  of  the  black  man’s  life,  and  a clear  under- 
standing of  what  is  at  the  back  of  the  black  man’s  mind,  to 
appraise  their  wit  and  philosophy.  Still  there  are  some  that 
are  translatable,  as  they  do  not  demand  any  special  knowledge 
on  the  part  of  an  English  reader  to  catch  their  purport,  or 
understand  their  teaching,  and  the  following  is  an  attempt  to 
put  a few  of  them  on  record  in  an  English  dress. 

A blustering,  boastful,  conceited  man  is  wisely  reminded 
that  the  cocks  that  crow  have  only  come  from  eggs ; and  when 
a man  of  no  importance,  a man  who  thinks  far  more  of  himself 
than  other  folk  think  of  him,  gets  up  in  a palaver  and  gives 
utterance  to  “tall  talk”  until  he  has  bored  nearly  everybody, 
a chief  pointing  at  him  will  say,  There  is  a little  fowl  trying  to 
lay  a big  egg.  I have  seen  this  proverb  used  with  crushing 
eftect,  and  it  was  many  a day  before  the  man  ventured  to 
speak  again  at  a palaver.  A shallow,  foolish  person  who,  al- 
though he  is  beaten  in  an  argument,  continues  to  speak  for 
the  sake  of  hearing  himself  talk,  is  told  that  he  is  like  an  onion 
leaf  green  and  smooth  outside  but  empty  inside;  and  a man 
who  knows  he  is  wrong  but  will  not  accept  the  arguments  of 
his  opponents  is  said  to  be  a sick  man  who  refuses  medicine 
because  he  feels  that  death  is  drawing  near.  But  when  a man 


PROVERBS 


81 


is  defeated  in  a discussion,  and  has  nothing  more  to  say  in 
his  own  defence,  he  uses  the  expression.  You  have  shot  me 
in  the  legs ; if  it  had  been  in  the  head  I should  run  away, 
i.e.  you  have  caught  me  this  time;  and  when  a person  has 
no  excuse  to  offer  for  a wrong  done,  he  is  said  to  be  like  a 
monkey  that  blows  out  its  cheeks  because  it  has  nothing  to  say. 

Fussy,  self-important  folk,  who  desire  more  consideration 
than  their  position  demands,  are  to  be  found  in  Africa  as  in 
other  parts  of  the  world.  To  such  people  the  following  plain 
question  is  put : You  are  a crab  with  only  ten  legs  andyou  want 
to  travel  in  a hammock,  but  I am  a millepede  with  a thousand 
legs ; in  what  shall  I travel  ? i.e.  do  not  think  so  much  of 
yourself  when  there  are  greater  folk  present.  When  a dis- 
agreeable, contentious  person  treats  his  friends  badly,  he  is 
asked  : The  partridge  is  your  enemy,  and  the  cock  is  your  enemy ; 
who  will  tell  you  of  the  approach  of  dawn  f The  people,  having 
neither  watches  nor  clocks,  are  dependent  on  these  and  other 
birds  for  heralding  the  coming  dawn ; and  the  proverb  means 
that  if  you  make  everybody  an  enemy  who  will  help  you  in 
the  hour  of  need. 

The  principle  that  men  should  be  first  and  boys  after,  or 
respect  for  elders,  is  inculcated  by  the  phrase,  The  elders  wear 
the  cloth  first,  then  the  boys  get  the  rags.  And  the  young  folk 
are  exhorted  not  to  laugh  at  a man  who  slips  down,  literally 
or  otherwise,  by  the  saying,  A full-grown  man  may  fall,  for  his 
beard  is  not  made  of  props.  A dissatisfied,  restless  boy  is  told 
that  A silly  mouse  may  leave  its  hole  in  anger,  but  that  does  not 
change  it  into  a rat.  When  a lad  is  travelling  with  a caravan, 
and  has  been  on  the  road  some  days,  he  begins  to  feel  the  pinch 
of  hunger,  through  the  scantiness  of  daily  rations,  and  boylike 
he  complains  of  his  hunger ; but  the  elders  of  the  party  perti- 
nently ask  him.  Can  you  carry  your  house  with  you  and  leave  your 
stomach  at  home  ? No,  one  must  have  his  stomach  wherever  he 
goes,  therefore  he  must  put  up  with  the  inconveniences  of  it. 
If  a boy  is  punished  for  stealing,  and  he  is  tempted  again  soon 
after,  he  will  reply  to  his  tempter,  A big  toad  can  blow  four 
trumpets,  but  the  first  one  I blew  made  my  eyes  bulge  out,  i.e.  a 
big  rogue  may  be  reckless,  but  a small  one  must  think  of  the 

F 


82 


PROVERBS 


consequences — you  remember  what  a punishment  I suffered  for 
stealing,  I don’t  want  any  more. 

“ When  the  cat  is  away  the  mice  will  play,”  is  expressed 
thus : When  the  leopard  has  left  they  eat  his  cubs,  or.  In  the  town 
that  has  no  cat  the  mice  play  with  the  dogs'  bells.  “ He  cut  off 
his  nose  to  spite  his  face  ” is  put  in  this  form : He  burnt  his 
house  in  anger,  and  now  he  has  nowhere  to  sleep.  And  our 
proverb  of  “There  is  many  a slip  between  the  cup  and  lip” 
has  its  fellow  on  the  Congo  in  the  saying  that  The  pot  that 
would  have  cooked  the  antelope  is  broken.  The  lesson  of  im- 
partiality is  enforced  thus : If  twins  are  born  to  you  don't  despise 
the  other  of  the  two  ; and  the  impossibility  of  doing  two  things 
at  once  is  shown  in  that  A dog  has  four  legs  yet  it  cannot  walk 
in  two  roads,  therefore  you  cannot  expect  me  with  only  two 
legs  to  do  what  a dog  with  four  never  attempts.  A load  of 
salt  on  another  man's  head  is  easily  carried,  expounds  a truth 
readily  acknowledged  by  all,  that  we  bear  lightly  the  burdens 
carried  by  others ; and  the  evils  of  procrastination  are  well 
exemplified  by  the  sayings,  You  waited  until  the  sun  rose  before 
you  pulled  your  blanket  over  you,  and,  Yoii  set  the  trap  after 
the  rat  had  passed,  i.e.  you  have  postponed  until  it  is  too  late 
what  you  should  have  done  earlier. 

Gossiping  is  not  encouraged,  for  it  works  as  much  harm 
there  as  here,  consequently  a person  is  told.  If  you  receive  a 
message  deliver  it,  but  if  you  are  only  told  an  affair  leave  it  where 
you  heard  it.  He  is  a talker  who  turns  the  king-post  round  is 
said  of  one  whose  word  is  not  to  be  trusted,  and  such  a one  is 
also  described  as  possessing  two  mouths.  When  a man  is  re- 
minded of  a wrong  he  has  committed,  and  goes  off  in  wrath,  some 
one  will  call  after  him.  The  bald-headed  man  leaves  in  anger 
(when  told  of  his  baldness),  hut  will  he  grow  any  hair  where  he 
goes  ? i.e.  will  a man’s  customs  be  changed  because  he  leaves  his 
friends  in  anger  when  told  of  some  foolish  or  evil  thing  he  has 
done  ? 

A woman  likes  the  meat,  let  her  have  the  bones,  i.e.  a person 
who  breaks  the  law  should  also  bear  the  penalty — the  one 
should  go  with  the  other.  When  a palm-nut  is  eaten  it  leaves 
a reddish-yellow  smear  of  oil  round  the  mouth,  hence  when  a 


PROVERBS 


83 


pei’son  suffers  for  the  wrong  doings  of  another,  the  proverb 
runs : The  fish-eagle  eats  the  palm-nuts  but  the  lizard  has  the  red- 
dish mouth;  this  refers  to  the  Kolombo  lizard,  which  has  a reddish 
tinge  round  the  mouth.  He  who  cleared  the  long  grass  from 
the  road  opens  the  way  for  neoct  comers,  i.e.  the  one  who  first 
commits  a wrong  opens  the  way  for  those  who  come  afterwards, 
and  his  action  is  the  more  worthy  of  condemnation.  That 
judges  should  be  merciful  in  dealing  out  justice  is  taught  in 
the  proverb.  If  a leopard  gives  birth  to  a palm-rat  she  does  not 
eat  it,  i.e.  you  should  have  punished  me  for  breaking  your  laws, 
but  you  should  not  have  destroyed  me,  for  I am  born  into  your 
clan.  When  a person  is  convicted  because  he  belongs  to  a clan 
other  than  that  of  which  the  judge  happens  to  be  a member, 
the  folk  standing  round  will  say.  In  a court  of  fowls  the  cock- 
roach never  wins  his  case,  i.e.  the  verdict  of  one  race  or  one 
clan  concerning  another  is  not  altogether  free  from  bias,  and 
should  be  received  with  caution — the  fowls  always  eat  the  cock- 
roaches when  they  see  them. 

Foolishness  in  all  its  various  aspects  has  its  own  set  of 
proverbs  to  ridicule  and  condemn  it.  An  utterly  stupid  person 
is  likened  to  a blind  man  who  puts  rotten  mits  in  a bag  full  of 
holes  and  then  takes  a dead  road,  i.e.  a blind  alley.  What  combi- 
nation of  ideas  thrown  together  can  more  fittingly  describe  a 
gross  bungler  ? About  a man  who  is  smitten  with  the  appear- 
ance of  a woman  and  pays  the  marriage  money  for  her  without 
knowing  anything  of  her  temper,  or  her  ability  as  a cook  or 
farm  worker,  the  proverb  is  used.  The  mouth  bought  the  pepper, 
but  was  surprised  at  the  burning  pain — the  burning  sensation 
that  comes  from  eating  peppers  that  are  pretty  to  look  at  but 
are  as  hot  as  fire  to  the  taste.  When  a man  either  through 
carelessness,  deceit,  or  stupidity  pretends,  or  does  not  know 
what  he  really  should  know,  he  is  told.  The  hair  belongs  to  your 
head,  yet  you  don’t  know  when  it  was  cut  ojf.  Our  saying  that  a 
fool  learns  by  experience  is  thus  stated  : The  fool  who  wishes  to  be 
thought  wise  sets  fire  to  the  village  grass,  and  so  burns  down  the 
village ; and  the  phrase  that  the  head  drives,  the  legs  go,  indicates 
utter  thoughtlessness. 

Should  a person  be  disheartened  in  an  undertaking  and 


84 


PROVERBS 


wish  to  abandon  it  because  of  some  small  difficulty  he  has 
encountered,  he  is  asked,  If  you  are  building  a house  and  a nail 
breaks,  do  you  stop  building  or  change  the  nail  ? That  there  is 
no  royal  road  to  learning  is  fully  recognised  even  in  Africa,  as 
shown  by  the  following  proverb  : Wisdom  is  not  a medicine  to  be 
swallowed.  The  native  huts  are  thatched  with  a special  kind  of 
grass,  and  everybody  tries  to  procure  it  as  long  as  possible,  but 
sometimes,  for  various  reasons,  only  short  grass  is  to  be  found, 
and  this  lack  of  choice  is  used  as  a proverb  equal  in  force  to 
our  English  one,  “Beggars  must  not  be  choosers,”  and  it  is  as 
follows : If  you  reject  the  short  grass  you  will  be  lefi  in  the  rain. 
When  a prominent  man  in  a village  acts  ungenerously  towards 
a little  man,  the  latter  says.  It  is  on  a small  place  that  one 
practises  a new  dance,  i.e.  It  is  well  for  you  that  you  tried  that 
trick  on  me,  for  if  you  had  treated  an  equal  in  the  same  way  he 
would  have  retaliated. 

The  Congo  folk  are  not  so  slow  of  wit  as  to  pass  unnoticed 
that  universal  trait  of  human  nature  that  urges  a man  to  humble 
himself  in  order  to  attain  a desired  end,  which  we  often  express 
in  the  phrase  “ He  stoops  to  conquer,”  and  they  state  it  in  the 
proverb.  To  enter  a calabash  the  frog  makes  itself  very  small,  but 
once  inside  it  blows  itself  out  so  that  you  cannot  expel  it. 
This  proverb  was  often  used  of  the  now  defunct  Congo  Free 
State,  which,  in  the  early  years  of  its  existence,  “ went  about  the 
country  smiling,  talking  suavely,  and  giving  presents  on  the 
slightest  excuse,  and  afterwards  turned  round  and  oppressed 
the  people  ” — it  got  into  the  calabash  and  the  people  could  not 
drive  it  out.  The  idea  of  substituting  “ a sprat  for  a mackerel  ” 
is  embodied  in  the  saying.  When  we  have  drunk  palm-wine  you 
are  too  smart  in  putting  the  bitter  nut  for  the  kola  nut.  The 
kola  nut  is  rare,  dear,  and  greatly  prized  as  a pick-me-up  after 
a bout  of  drinking,  and  there  are  other  nuts  just  as  bitter  as 
the  kola  nut,  but,  lacking  its  medicinal  properties,  they  are 
valueless  as  pick-me-ups ; and  anyone  conferring  a small 
benefit  in  hope  of  gaining  a great  advantage,  or  anyone  trading, 
&c.,  who  tries  to  give  an  inferior  article  in  place  of  a better  is 
said  to  be  giving  a bitter  nut  (ngadiadia)  as  a substitute  for 
the  kola  nut  (makazu). 


PROVERBS 


85 


On  the  Lower  Congo  the  leopard  is  the  king  of  beasts,  and 
is  always  spoken  of  with  respect  as  lord,  chief,  &c.,  and  the 
saying  that  When  the  leopard  becomes  poor  he  eats  mud  depicts 
a strong,  important  man  reduced  in  circumstances,  or  weakened 
by  disease,  so  that  the  “ small  fry  ” of  the  town  trifle  with  him 
and  treat  him  with  contempt.  A man  may  be  masterful  and 
much  feax’ed  outside  his  own  house  and  family,  or  as  a chief 
outside  his  own  town,  but  among  his  kith  and  kin  he  may  not 
be  much  esteemed,  hence  the  pi’overb.  The  leopardJs  cub  does 
not  respect  his  father's  marks.  An  oily  face  is  a sign  of  beauty, 
and  the  native  words  for  father’s  sister  literally  mean  female- 
father,  hence  the  force  of  the  following  proverb : The  toad  has 
an  oily  faoe  in  the  presence  of  his  father's  sister,  i.e.  a person 
is  always  beautiful  to  his  nearest  relatives,  and  they  are  ever 
ready  to  excuse  his  faults  and  irregularities. 

Things  are  not  always  what  they  seem,  and  appearances 
are  somewhat  misleading.  The  man  who  walks  through  the 
village  in  an  old  cloth,  with  skin  unoiled,  and  body  rough 
for  lack  of  the  camwood  cosmetic,  may  possibly  be  a man  of 
importance  in  the  place  from  whence  he  comes,  for  The  garden 
egg  possesses  no  clan,  split  it  open  and  behold  it  is  full  of  seeds, 
and  consequently  has  a large  family.  A state  officer  may  be 
insignificant  to  look  at,  and  have  only  a few  soldiers  with  him, 
but  if  you  touch  him  you  discover  that  he  has  the  whole  of 
the  Government’s  power  behind  him. 

The  above  proverbs  and  sayings  are  typical  of  many  that 
are  still  untranslated  which  touch  on  every  phase  of  human 
life,  thought,  and  experience.  Of  course  in  village  life  these 
proverbs  are  applied  in  scores  of  different  ways  only  slightly 
indicated  in  the  above  explanations,  for  every  proverb  lends 
itself  to  a variety  of  applications.  We  trust  that  in  the  un- 
folding of  these  proverbs  the  readers  will  recognise  that  these 
uncultured,  backward  people  of  the  Congo  possess  some  keen- 
ness of  intellect,  a power  of  observation,  and  a felicity  of  ex- 
pression that  augur  well  for  their  future  progress  in  civilisation. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


NATIVE  FOODS,  DRINKS,  AND  MANUFACTURES 

WHAT  do  the  Congo  people  eat?”  is  a question  that 
has  often  been  put  to  me  while  travelling  about 
England ; and  it  would  be  easy  to  answer  that 
cassava  prepared  in  one  of  several  different  ways  is  the  staple 
food  for  all  the  Lower  Congo  peoples,  and  of  a large  propor- 
tion of  those  who  live  on  the  Upper  Congo;  that  palm 
kernels,  peanuts,  plantains,  bananas,  sweet  potatoes,  yams, 
and  maize  ai-e  eaten  as  snacks  through  the  day  to  allay  their 
hunger  until  the  evening  meal  is  ready,  which  is  the  meal  of 
the  day ; that  palm  oil,  pumpkin  seeds,  crushed  red  peppers 
with  peanuts,  and  various  leaves  pounded,  cooked,  and  mixed 
with  palm  oil  serve  as  condiments  or  sauces  to  render  their 
sour  bread  (kwangd),  or  cassava  flour  pudding  more  palatable 
and  tasty.  But  I fear  in  answering  thus  the  inquirer  would 
gain  very  little  information. 

“ What  is  cassava,  and  how  is  it  prepared  ? ” would  be  the 
next  questions.  The  cassava  plant  is  a native  of  South 
America,  and  has  now  penetrated  to  most  tropical  countries. 
It  is  very  rich  in  nutritive  properties,  and  tapioca  and  starch 
are  two  of  its  products  so  well  known  in  all  civilised  lands. 
By  the  Brazilians  it  is  known  as  mandioca,  and  it  was  pro- 
bably introduced  into  Congo  by  the  Poi’tugese  during  the 
sixteenth  century  where  it  is  known  as  madioka.  Manioc  and 
cassava  are  its  alternate  names  in  English,  but  the  latter 
is  the  West  Indian  name  for  the  tapioca  made  from  the 
manioc  roots.  There  are  two  kinds  of  manioc — the  sweet  or 
non-poisonous,  and  the  bitter,  which  contains  much  hydro- 
cyanic or  prussic  acid  in  its  milky  juice.  This  poison,  how- 
ever, is  dissipated  by  heat  in  preparing  the  root  for  food. 

86 


PREPARING  MANIOC  FLOUR  87 


The  bitter  kind  is  the  more  popular  because  it  yields  the 
better  results  in  cultivation.  While  the  sweet  sort  is  simply 
peeled  and  steamed  and  is  then  a good  substitute  for  potatoes, 
the  tubers  of  the  bitter  kind  are  soaked  for  a few  days  in 
pools,  streams,  or  water-holes  until  they  are  soft.  These 
water-holes  smell  so  abominably  from  the  constant  soaking 
of  the  roots  in  them  that  white  men  lose  all  desire  to  sample 
the  “ bread  ” and  puddings  made  from  the  roots  that  have 
been  taken  from  them. 

After  due  soaking  the  roots  are  taken  from  the  water- 
holes,  peeled,  cored,  and  kneaded  well  to  the  consistency  of 
a smooth  dough.  Lumps  of  this  dough  about  the  size  of  a 
melon  are  enswathed  in  large  leaves  and  thoroughly  steamed 
until  well  cooked.  Sometimes  the  dough  is  done  into  sausages 
of  various  sizes  according  to  the  custom  of  the  locality,  or 
into  “ ropes  ” from  six  to  fifty  feet  in  length,  and  about  one 
and  a half  inches  in  diameter.  These  are  also  wound  round 
with  leaves  and  well  steamed  in  large  pots.  Native  bread 
(kwangd)  prepared  in  this  way  will  remain  good  for  many 
days,  and  should  the  outside  become  mildewed,  it  can  be 
trimmed  and  the  inner  part  will  be  wholesome.  These 
“ loaves  ” vary  in  price  considerably,  but  an  average  market 
rate  is  about  200  lbs.  for  4^.,  and  4 lbs.  are  more  than  sufficient 
per  diem  for  a full-grown  man. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  manioc  flour,  the  roots,  after 
being  soaked,  peeled,  split,  and  cored,  are  spread  on  stones 
or  small  platforms  in  the  sun  until  properly  dry.  The  pieces 
are  then  laid  on  shelves  over  their  house  fires  until  friable, 
and  thus  they  are  easily  pounded  in  a mortar,  sifted  through 
a fine  native  sieve,  and  the  result  is  a clean,  white  flour. 
When  the  housewife  desires  a soft  pudding,  she  puts  a pot 
of  water  on  the  fire,  and  when  it  boils  she  gradually  sprinkles 
the  flour  into  the  water,  meanwhile  stirring  the  mass  slowly 
with  a stick,  and  a luku  pudding  is  the  result.  The  eater 
breaks  off  a piece  of  this  pudding,  rolls  it  in  his  fingers,  dips 
it  into  a soup  or  gravy,  raises  it,  and  lets  it  slip  down  his 
throat  without  any  masticating,  for  if  he  attempts  to  bite 


88 


MODES  OF  COOKING 


it,  the  pudding  will  stick  to  his  teeth  like  soft  toffee.  The 
hzvanga  loaves  are  made  for  journeys ; but  the  hiku  puddings 
are  eaten  fresh  at  their  evening  meals,  and  it  is  surprising 
the  enormous  quantities  they  can  put  away.  The  distended 
stomachs  of  native  children  are  due  to  the  coarseness  and 
indigestibility  of  these  puddings. 

If  the  housewife  has  neither  fish  nor  meat  with  which  to 
make  gravy  to  ease  down  the  pudding,  she  will  pluck  some 
manioc  leaves,  and  finely  mince  them  on  a corrugated  board, 
or  toothed  stick,  and  cook  them  with  palm  oil,  and  thus  make 
a palatable  dish  in  which  to  dip  the  pudding.  Sometimes 
a dish  of  beans  or  pumpkin  seeds  is  boiled  until  well  mashed ; 
and  these  dishes  are  much  appreciated,  as  they  add  considerable 
relish  to  their  insipid  pudding  or  sour  bread. 

When  a fairly  well-to-do  man  is  travelling  he  takes  with 
him  as  a relish  to  eat  with  his  Tcwanga  bread,  either  white- 
bait  sun-dried  and  pressed  into  cakes,  or  a relish  made  by 
crushing  strong  red  peppers  and  peanuts  together.  A little 
of  this  goes  a long  way,  and  if  it  is  not  very  filling,  it  tickles 
the  palate,  and  gives  a sense  of  warmth  and  comfort  to  the 
internal  machinery.  White  ants  also  are  caught  in  large 
numbers,  and  make  a sauce  which  is  greatly  in  favour  with 
many. 

Their  various  modes  of  cooking  are,  stewing,  steaming, 
boiling,  grilling  in  the  ashes  (binding  the  meat  or  fish  in 
leaves  and  dropping  the  bundle  among  the  red-hot  embers 
of  the  fire — the  food  is  thoroughly  cooked  long  before  the 
leaves  are  burnt  through,  and  foods  treated  in  this  way  retain 
their  full  flavours ; it  is  really  paper-bag  cookery  with  leaves 
for  paper);  and  lastly  roasting  by  putting  a spit  through 
the  article,  and  turning  it  over  and  over  above  a good  fire. 
For  the  steaming  process  a large  saucepan  is  placed  on  the 
fire  and  half  filled  with  water,  a strainer  is  fixed  in  the 
saucepan  and  the  food  arranged  on  it,  some  sections  of  plantain 
leaves  are  laid  over  the  food,  and  a pot  of  the  same  size  as 
the  first  is  put  over  leaves  and  food,  and  pressed  down  until 
the  rims  of  the  two  saucepans  meet. 


^ it. 


PRINCIPAL  MEAL 


89 


The  people  as  a rule  have  only  one  meal  a day,  and  that 
is  not  taken  until  just  after  sunset ^ — between  6.30  and  7 p.m.; 
but  from  the  quantity  of  food  that  disappears  on  that  occasion 
they  make  up  apparently  for  lost  time.  During  the  day 
they  stave  off  hunger  with  a roasted  plantain  and  a few 
peanuts,  or  with  a banana  or  two,  or  a piece  of  sugai’-cane, 
or  a lump  of  native  bread,  &c.  Sweet  potatoes  are  regarded 
as  very  inferior  food,  in  fact  only  fit  for  women.  No  one 
thinks  that  he  (or  she)  has  had  a meal  unless  he  sits  down  to 
a large  lulcu  pudding,  and  something  to  help  it  down.  Carriers 
go  for  days  on  snacks,  looking  to  their  return  to  their  own 
town,  after  the  journey  is  over,  for  a proper  meal.  In  the  . 
early  eighties  the  males  of  the  family  ate  by  themselves,  and 
the  females  by  themselves,  and  out  of  sight  of  the  men. 
The  men  thought  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  eat  with  the 
women,  so  the  women  took  what  the  men  did  not  want  and 
ate  it  alone.  This  custom  in  some  districts  is  fast  disap- 
pearing, and  it  is  now  no  uncommon  thing  to  see  a man 
sitting  in  his  house  at  the  same  table  with  his  wife  and 
children. 

It  is  the  woman’s  duty  to  provide  all  the  vegetable  food 
for  herself,  her  children  (if  she  has  any),  and  partly  keep  her 
husband,  should  she  be  a member  of  a polygamist’s  menage ; 
and  her  husband  supplies  the  meat  or  fish.  If  there  is  neither 
to  eat  at  the  late  dinner,  the  man  cannot  blame  his  wife ; 
he  has  simply  failed  to  give  them  to  her,  and  he  must, 
therefore,  content  himself  with  the  pudding  and  dish  of  oil 
and  leaves,  or  any  other  appetiser  his  wife  may  concoct  by 
her  culinai'y  art.  The  polygamist  lives  with  each  of  his 
wives  in  turn  for  two  or  more  days  according  to  arrangement 
with  them,  and  he  then  finds  the  meat  or  fish  for  the  evening 
meal  cooked  by  the  wife  with  whom  he  is  living;  and  he 
must  be  generous,  as  his  wife  for  the  time  being  expects  her 
share  of  the  dainty. 

Nothing  comes  amiss  to  the  native  in  the  way  of  eating. 
Goats,  sheep,  pigs,  and  fowls  are  domesticated ; and  he  is  a 
poor  man  who  cannot  occasionally  buy  a little  meat,  or  afford 


90 


VARIETY  OF  FLESH  FOODS 


to  feast  on  one  of  his  own  fowls.  Elephants,  buffaloes,  ante- 
lopes, palm  rats,  field  rats,  and  moles  are  shot  or  trapped  in 
farms  and  forests.  Hippopotami,  monitors,  and  crocodiles  are 
rare  on  the  Lower  Congo,  but  they  are  caught  sometimes  ; and 
fish  abound  in  the  streams.  Snakes,  river  tortoises,  white  ants, 
locusts,  grasshoppers,  certain  caterpillars,  and  palm -maggots 
are  eaten  with  relish,  and  are  regarded  among  the  dainties  of 
life.  Hawks,  kites,  fish-eagles,  pelicans,  parrots,  and  monkeys 
are  not  despised ; but  after  a brief  visit  to  the  pot  find  their 
way  to  the  mouths  of  the  fortunate  hunters.  The  menu  is 
varied,  and  includes  almost  everything,  for  what  one  person 
under  a taboo  is  prohibited  from  eating,  another  will  eat  with 
gusto. 

The  natives  are  scrupulously  careful  in  the  division  of  food. 
When  eating  together  from  the  same  saucepans,  each  one  is 
careful  not  to  take  more  than  his  fair  share,  otherwise  he  will 
soon  be  known  as  a greedy  fellow,  and  folk  will  avoid  eating 
with  him.  If  anything  is  to  be  divided  among  a certain 
number  of  people,  one  of  them  is  appointed  to  divide  the 
article — say  a piece  of  meat — into  equal  parts  according  to  the 
number  of  persons  to  be  benefited;  and  all  those  who  are  to 
have  a share  of  the  meat  take  theirs  first,  and  the  divider 
takes  the  last  share  left,  hence  he  is  very  careful  that  all  the 
shares  are  as  near  alike  as  possible.  This  is  a common  practice 
among  all  the  tribes  with  which  I have  mixed. 

Savages  are  often  regarded  as  gluttons,  but  when  it  is 
remembered  that  they  really  have  only  one  square  meal  a day ; 
that  when  on  journeys  they  live  in  the  poorest  and  scantiest 
fashion  possible;  that  they  go  long  periods  without  a good 
feed  of  meat ; it  is  not  a matter  of  surprise  that  the  evening 
meal  is  a large  one,  and  that  on  some  special  occasions,  such  as 
a wedding  or  a funeral,  they  eat  freely  and  expansively  of  the 
foods  put  before  them.  The  natives  think  the  white  men  are 
great  eaters,  because  they  sit  down  to  at  least  three  meals  a 
day,  whereas  they  only  sit  down  to  one. 

There  is  not  a great  variety  of  native  drinks  from  which  to 
select — there  are  only  palm-wines  {malavu\  and  beer  (mbamvu). 


PALM-WINES 


91 


Of  the  former  there  are  various  qualities  and  flavours 
according  to  the  age,  &c.,  of  the  palms  from  which  the 
wine  is  collected.  There  is  vialavu  mansamba,  which  is  pro- 
cured by  cutting  the  base  of  the  flower  of  the  living  palm 
(^Elects  Guinceensis)  and  inserting  a reed  so  that  the  rising  sap 
percolates  through  the  reed  into  a calabash  fixed  to  the  palm  ; 
then  there  is  malavu  mesoka,  which  is  got  from  the  heart  of 
the  palm  and  not  from  the  flower  base  ; then  malavu  mambulu, 
which  is  taken  from  a fallen  palm  by  cutting  a hole  in  the 
trunk,  and  the  sap  flows  into  this  hole  and  is  scooped  out,  but 
the  supply  is  very  short  in  duration,  as  the  sap  quickly  dries 
up.  When  the  wine  is  old  and  sour  it  is  called  dikaya;  and 
when  not  more  than  twelve  hours  old  it  is  malavu  manswa  or 
fresh  wine.  And  the  last  kind  of  wine  is  malavu  matombe, 
taken  from  the  bamboo  {Raphia  viniferai),  of  which  in  some 
valleys  there  are  large  quantities  growing.  These  wines,  when 
drunk  fresh  and  unfermented,  are  exceedingly  refreshing  ; but 
the  natives  prefer  them  fermented — and  they  generally  are 
fizzing  with  fermentation  by  three  or  four  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon, and  then  they  are  intoxicating.  When  the  writer  was 
living  in  San  Salvador  there  was  an  oldish  man  who  had  several 
gin-bottles,  holding  rather  less  than  a pint,  and  these  he  kept 
filled,  and  so  arranged  them  that  every  evening  he  had  one 
that  was  about  a week  old,  and  that  was  enough  to  make  him 
thoroughly  drunk  and  quarrelsome.  He  became  such  a 
nuisance  with  his  shouting  and  squabbling  that  the  King 
ordered  him  out  of  the  town,  and  as  the  man  was  slow  in 
obeying,  he  sent  some  of  his  people  to  pull  the  man’s  house 
down  and  conduct  him  out  of  the  town,  which  they  did. 

Tapping  the  palms  for  wine  is  quite  a trade  by  itself.  It 
requires  a special  knowledge  of  palms,  and  great  agility  in 
climbing,  which  is  accomplished  by  means  of  hoops  that  the 
tapster  passes  round  the  trunk  of  the  palm-tree  and  around 
his  own  waist.  The  roughness  of  the  trunk  affords  his  naked 
feet  a grip  on  the  tree,  and  as  he  ascends  he  throws  himself 
forward,  raises  the  hoop  a foot  or  two,  falls  back  on  the  hoop, 
and  lifts  his  feet  a step  or  so.  The  whole  procedure  needs 


92 


MANUFACTURES 


care,  or  he  will  soon  be  slipping  down  the  tree.  I only  know 
of  two  accidents  in  the  districts  in  which  I have  lived — one 
man  fell  and  was  picked  up  dead ; and  the  other  dislocated  his 
shoulder,  but  I was  able  to  set  it  again  in  a few  minutes. 

The  beer  (mbamvu)  is  made  from  maize  and  manioc.  The 
maize  is  malted  by  placing  it  on  the  ground,  sprinkling  it 
with  water,  and  covering  the  heap  with  leaves  until  it  sprouts. 
When  the  grain  has  thrown  out  rootlets  about  an  inch  long, 
it  is  dried  by  exposure  to  the  strong  sun  for  two  or  three  days ; 
in  this  way  it  becomes  sweet  and  properly-malted  grain.  The 
manioc  is  peeled  and  dried  in  the  sun,  and  then  the  sun-dried 
manioc  and  the  malted  maize  are  pounded  together  in  a mortar 
until  thoroughly  crushed.  It  is  then  mixed  with  a proper 
proportion  of  water,  and  the  mash  thus  made  is  boiled  for 
twelve  hours,  strained,  and  left  to  cool.  It  is  sweet  and  not 
intoxicating,  and  this  drink  is  called  mulu ; but  after  three  or 
four  days  it  ferments,  is  intoxicating,  sour,  somewhat  acid  to 
the  taste,  and  becomes  the  beer  (mbamvu^  so  largely  sold  on 
the  markets. 

Mats  {tuandu)  of  papyrus  are  made  by  peeling  off’  strips 
of  papyri,  drying  them  in  the  sun,  and  threading  them 
carefully  on  native-made  twine;  other  mats  {mateva)  are 
woven  from  strips  of  palm  frondlets,  or  the  bark  of  a special 
kind  of  tree,  and  some  of  these  mats  have  patterns  of  animals, 
and  of  various  figures  and  designs  in  black,  worked  in  them 
by  dyeing  some  of  the  strips  with  a native  dye.  Water- 
bottles  and  pots  of  diff’erent  sizes  and  shapes  are  made  by  the 
women,  while  the  blacksmiths  make  hoes,  axes,  knives,  &c. 
Shoulder  bags  and  caps  are  knitted  with  twine;  and  I have 
seen  them  clean,  spin,  and  wind  cotton,  and  afterwards  weave 
cloth  and  hammocks.  The  ordinary  cloth  of  former  times  all 
over  the  country  was  a native  woven  cloth  called  mbadi.  The 
threads  were  gathered  from  the  leaves  of  new  palm  fronds. 
These  leaves  were  stripped  from  the  mid-rib  and  laid  one  by  one 
flat  on  a smooth  surface;  the  bottom  end  was  held  firmly  by 
the  finger  and  thumb  of  the  left  hand,  with  the  right  hand 
a knife  was  put  on  the  leaflet,  as  near  the  holding-place  as 


MANUFACTURES 


93 


possible,  and  then  the  leaflet  was  drawn  steadily  between  the 
edge  of  the  knife  and  the  board.  The  skin  was  thus  taken 
off  the  leaf,  which  was  turned,  and  the  operation  repeated.  In 
this  way  the  thready  fibres  (mpusti)  were  left,  and  after  being 
dried  they  were  sold  on  the  markets  to  the  weavers  of  mbadi. 
On  the  introduction  of  pineapples  a thread  was  manufactured 
from  their  leaves,  and  this  thread  is  called  mafuba,  and  the 
cloth  woven  with  it  mbadi  za  mafuba.  The  mbadi  were  woven 
on  frames  in  pieces  from  twelve  to  fourteen  inches  wide  and 
from  fifteen  to  eighteen  inches  long,  being  limited  only  by  the 
shortness  of  the  threads,  as  they  had  no  means  of  joining  them 
together.  Twenty-four  of  these  small  cloths  sewn  together 
made  one  full-sized  cloth  (nkuta)  for  a man  of  importance, 
less  for  an  ordinary  man,  only  one  or  two  for  a lad.  The 
texture  is  so  fine  that  a full-sized  cloth  will  go  into  the  space 
of  a pint  measure.  These  cloths  are  still  made  and  worn  in 
various  parts,  for  as  late  as  1909  I was  able  to  buy  six  of  them, 
and  could  have  had  more;  but  European  trade  goods  are 
gradually  ousting  the  native  manufactures,  and  the  time  is 
not  far  distant  when  they  will  be  unprocurable. 

The  blacksmith  holds  an  honourable  position  among  the 
natives ; his  forge  is  regarded  as  somewhat  of  a sacred  place, 
his  fire  mu.st  be  treated  properly,  and  his  anvil  is  the  object 
of  respect.  There  is  thought  to  be  something  of  magic  in 
the  skill  with  which  the  blacksmith  works  the  iron,  hence  his 
position  in  village  life.  In  the  long  ago  he  made  the  spears, 
the  long  knives,  and  arrow-heads  for  use  in  their  warfare ; but 
the  introduction  of  the  gun,  with  its  mysterious  gunpowder 
and  unseen  bullets,  has  ousted  the  old  fighting  Aveapons,  so 
that  for  more  than  a generation  or  two  they  have  neither 
been  made  nor  used  throughout  the  Lower  Congo.  It  is 
unfortunate  that  the  introduction  into  the  country  of  trade 
knives,  hoes,  guns,  &c.,  has  practically  killed  smithing  as  one 
of  the  skilled  arts  of  the  people,  and  the  native  blacksmith 
to-day  is  gradually  passing  away  into  what  will  soon  be  the 
forgotten  past. 


CHAPTER]  IX 

THE  SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE  FAMILY 
AND  VILLAGE 

IN  San  Salvador  and  the  large  towns  in  the  neighbourhood, 
especially  in  those  belonging  to  chiefs  of  importance, 
there  is  some  pretence  to  regular  streets  or  lanes  running 
between  the  compounds  (lumbu,  plur.  tumbu)  of  the  head- 
men residing  in  them ; but  in  the  smaller  towns  and  villages, 
where  no  fences  are  erected  around  the  chiefs’  houses,  and 
consequently  neither  around  the  sets  of  houses  belonging 
to  their  headmen,  there  is  no  attempt  at  regularity  of  build- 
ing, but  the  houses  are  put  here  or  there  to  suit  the  whim 
and  convenience  of  their  owners.  The  slaves  and  wives  of  the 
owner  of  a compound  keep  not  only  the  ground  inside  the 
fences  weeded  and  swept,  but  also  the  lanes  running  round  it ; 
and  those  whose  houses  are  not  enclosed  in  grass  walls,  but 
are  abutting  the  roads,  keep  the  spaces  in  front  of  their 
houses  free  from  grass  and  rubbish,  generally  sweeping  them 
every  morning,  so  that  the  towns  and  villages  usually  possess 
a very  neat  appearance.  There  is  no  other  law  for  this  than 
public  opinion,  and  the  man  whose  part  (belo)  of  the  town 
(evatd)  is  untidy  and  neglected  becomes  the  butt  of  his  neigh- 
bours’jeers  and  gibes.  The  grass  immediately  at  the  back  of 
his  house  may  be  high  enough  to  cast  its  shadow  on  the  roof, 
but  the  front  and  sides  must  be  clean,  weeded,  and  swept. 

The  houses  are  of  various  sizes,  from  six  feet  wide  by  ten 
feet  long,  to  an  imitation  of  a white  man’s  house  in  length, 
breadth,  height,  and  design.  They  are  built  mostly  of  grass 
tied  securely  on  poles  and  mid-ribs  of  palm-fronds ; some  are 
made  of  wattle  and  daub,  colour-washed  ; many  are  of  planks ; 
and  some  may  be  seen  of  kiln-burnt  bricks.  It  is  not  always 

the  richest  man  who  has  the  best  house : but  the  most  enter- 

94 


RESULTS  OF  MOTHER-RIGHT  95 


prising  and  energetic  young  men  are  building  more  permanent 
houses  than  their  fathers,  for  much  has  been  done  in  teaching 
carpentry,  brick-making,  brick-laying,  &c.  The  houses,  whether 
large  or  small,  are  very  scantily  furnished,  and  this  is  no  great 
loss,  for  the  natives  delight  in  the  open  air,  and  use  their 
houses  mostly  for  storing  their  trade  goods,  for  sheltering 
from  the  rains,  and  for  sleeping. 

The  law  of  mother-right  is  disastrous  to  the  home  and 
family  life : for  in  a man’s  household  there  are  as  many  family 
interests  as  there  are  wives,  as  each  wife,  and  any  children  she 
may  have,  is  an  important  part  of  a family  that  has  its  centre 
outside  her  husband’s  compound ; and  the  families  thus  repre- 
sented may  be  on  friendly  terms,  or  feuds  may  arise  between 
them  that  turn  the  compound  into  an  arena  of  snarling  women, 
quarrelling  among  themselves,  and  abusing  each  other  with 
tongues  well  trained  in  the  art  of  vituperation.  In  these 
rows  the  petty  meannesses,  and  the  delinquencies  of  each  family 
are  well  canvassed,  the  past  history  of  the  members  of  the 
various  families  are  detailed  with  scornful  and  contemptuous 
comments,  and  woe  betide  the  woman  in  whose  family  a recent 
charge  of  witchcraft  has  been  proved  by  the  ordeal,  or  one  for 
whom  a small  amount  of  marriage  money  was  paid — she  will 
wish  that  she  had  never  been  born,  and  she  has  been  known  to 
commit  suicide  in  the  poignancy  of  her  shame.  The  husband, 
for  his  own  amusement,  will  sometimes  start  the  blaze  by 
making  a disparaging  remark  about  the  family  of  an  unloved 
wife  to  his  favourite  for  the  time  being,  and  she  will  quickly 
repeat  it,  and  the  sparks  catching  the  dry  tinder,  the  fire  will 
spread  rapidly  to  others,  while  the  man  sits  by  chuckling  and 
enjoying  the  personal  abuse  that  his  women-folk,  without 
selection  of  words  or  phrases,  are  hurling  at  each  other.  Such 
is  the  household  of  a polygamist  where  mother-right  is  in 
vogue;  but  where  there  is  polygamy  with  father- right  the 
state  of  things  is  somewhat  better ; still  women  are  women  all 
the  country  over,  and  several  women  tied  to  one  man  do  not 
make  for  the  harmonious  working  of  family  life.  However, 
where  father-right  exists  the  husband  is  the  centre  of  the 
family,  the  children  belong  to  him,  and  the  families  of  his 


96 


CLANS  AND  FAMILIES 


wives  are  not  so  much  in  evidence  because  they  have  no  claim 
on  the  children,  and  therefore  no  reason  to  be  considered  in 
the  household  of  the  man  who  passes  his  position  and  property 
on  to  his  own  sons  and  daughters.  I have  lived  for  years,  in 
each  case,  in  close  proximity  to  towns  where  these  different 
customs — mother-right  and  father-right — were  in  full  force,  and 
I know  that  the  women  in  the  households  of  the  former  were 
more  quarrelsome  among  themselves  than  those  of  the  latter : 
for  the  latter  household,  centring  as  it  did  in  the  husband, 
there  was  more  unity  of  family  life,  and  greater  community  of 
interest. 

The  difference  between  eTcanda  (clan),  and  vumu  (family, 
literally  stomach,  womb),  is  that  elccmda  is  the  name  for  all 
the  families  of  a clan.  The  tree  is  the  ekanda,  and  the 
branches  are  the  vumu.  The  clan  does  not  originate  with  the 
man,  but  has  its  origin  only  in  the  woman ; and  it  is  the  same 
with  all  the  divisions  of  the  clan  into  families — each  division 
or  sub-division  starts  from  a woman.  The  clans  and  families 
intermix  freely,  but  the  members  of  a clan  are  responsible  for, 
and  help  each  other.  The  names  of  some  of  the  clans  are  as 
follows: — Kilukene,  Kivaxi,  Ankanga,  Kintumba,  Nenlaza, 
Kinlaza.  On  account  of  blood  relationship  a Kinlaza  man  must 
not  marry  a Kinlaza  woman — it  would  be  regarded  as  incest, 
and  if  unknowingly  it  took  place  the  marriage  would  be 
destroyed ; but  as  a guarantee  for  the  proper  treatment  of 
their  women  it  is  customary,  as  already  stated,  for  the  women 
of  one  clan  to  marry  the  men  of  one  other  clan  only. 

Some  generations  ago  a woman,  apparently  of  importance, 
gave  birth  to  three  daughters — Nkenoe,  Ntumba,  and  Lukene. 
Each  of  these  daughters  became  the  head  of  a clan ; and  all 
the  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren  of  Nkenoe  are 
called  esi  Kinhenge =i\xo?,e  belonging  to,  or  offsprings  of, 
Nkenge;  and  thus  with  esi  Kintumba,  and  esi  Kilukene.  After 
several  generations  other  names  are  added  to  the  clan-name 
in  order  to  define  the  pedigree  more  clearly.  Thus  they  say  of 
one  clan  that  they  are  esi  Kintumha-Mvemba,  showing  that  they 
have  come  from  Ntumba  through  Mvemba  ; and  in  the  same  way 
with  esi  Kinkenge-Nkumba  and  esi  Kilukene- Miala,  the  descend- 


Photo  hy  Rev,  F,  Lewis 

Palm-Tree  Climber 

In  the  stout  cane  hoop  is  a strong  sHp-knot,  which  is  easily  undone,  and  quickly  and  securely 
re-fastened  as  the  palm-tapster  goes  from  tree  to  tree.  When  ascending  a tree  he  throws  himself 
forward,  raises  the  hoop,  takes  a step  or  two,  and  repeats  the  operation.  He  taps  the  tree  for  palm- 
wine,  and  also  cuts  down  the  bunches  of  palm-nuts. 


CLANS  AND  FAMILIES 


97 


ants  of  Nkenoe  through  Nkumba,  and  the  descendants  of  Lukene 
through  Mi  Ah  A.  In  some  instances  three  names  are  joined 
together,  but  it  is  most  probable  that  after  a time  the  first 
name  is  dropped,  and  the  two  last,  and  even  only  the  last, 
retained  and  given  as  the  name  of  a clan.  Any  subdivision  of 
the  above  clans  is  called  vumu  (family) ; and  every  woman  with 
children,  grandchildren,  and  great-grandchildren  is  considered 
to  be  the  originator  of  a vumu,  as  all  her  descendants  are 
looked  upon  as  coming  from  her  womb.  Tbe  children  born  of 
family  slaves  are  frequently  called  grandchildren  {nteholo); 
and  when  one  of  these  “ grandchildren  ” is  given  as  a wife  in 
exchange  for  a female  member  of  the  family,  a present  is  given 
Avith  her  to  “ wash  her  blood  ” (nsukula  menga),  and  thus 
remove  the  slave  element,  that  she  may  be  treated  as  a proper 
wife,  and  not  as  a slave.  Her  children  will  belong  to 
tbe  family  of  her  owners,  but  will  be  called  ana  akwa  Kin- 
children  born  of  a freed  woman  of  the  Kinkenge  clan, 
and  not  m Kinkenge  =^c\a.i\&mQn. 

The  names  of  towns  often  indicate  the  origin  and  position 
of  their  inhabitants,  e.g.  all  branches  of  the  Nsaku-Miala  call 
their  towns  Vunda;  but  this  must  not  be  pushed  too  far,  as 
some  of  the  meanings  have  now  lost  their  significance,  eg. 
Kinganga  towns  were  those  whose  inhabitants  were  believers  in 
the  priests  (who  called  themselves  nganga),  and  those  who 
lived  in  the  towns  named  Kolo  were  slaves  of  the  priests.  The 
meanings  of  both  these  names  refer  to  the  sixteenth  century, 
when  the  Roman  Catholic  priests  were  all-powerful,  and  not  to 
the  present  time,  although  the  names  continue  to  this  day, 
pointing  to  the  present  dwellers  in  those  towns  as  the  probable 
descendants  of  tbe  former  believers,  and  slaves,  of  the  priests. 

Palm  trees  and  nsqfu  trees  (canuarensis)  belong  to  the 
planter  and  to  his  heirs  for  ever,  and  they  thus  become 
inheritable  property  like  wives  and  wealth.  The  palms  and 
nsafa  on  an  old  town  site  belong  to  those  who  abandoned  the 
site ; but  this  right  at  times  falls  into  abeyance,  and  anyone  is 
allowed  to  gather  the  fruit;  if,  however,  a famine  should  come 
the  real  owners  can  forbid  any  person  taking  the  fruit  belonging 
to  those  trees,  and  they  will  enforce  their  rights  by  invoking 

G 


98 


REDEEMING  A PAWN 


a curse,  by  means  of  a fetish,  on  those  who  steal  from  their 
trees.  Brothers  can  disown  and  disinherit  one  another,  and 
this  largely  accounts  for  the  divisions  {helo)  in  a town,  and 
also  for  the  number  of  small  villages  dotted  about  the  country. 
The  severance  is  absolute,  and  no  help  is  rendered  by  one  to 
the  other  in  any  quarrels,  fights,  and  palavers  that  may  arise. 
An  uncle  can  also  disown  his  nephew  and  thus  keep  him  from 
inheriting  his  wealth  and  position. 

Sometimes  a man  is  very  hard  pressed  for  money,  or 
desires  to  raise  some  with  which  to  start  trading,  hoping  to  be 
successful  enough  to  repay  in  the  near  future.  Such  a 
borrower  gives  his  creditor  a nephew,  or  a brother,  or  a sister 
to  hold  as  a pledge  (nximbi).  He  is  not  permitted  to  give  his 
own  child,  as  he  (or  she)  belongs  to  his  mother’s  family,  and 
he  has  no  control  over  him.  When  the  borrower  has  collected 
enough  to  redeem  the  pawn,  he  takes  the  money,  a calabash  of 
palm  wine,  and  a white  fowl,  or  a white  goat  to  his  creditor. 
The  money  is  paid,  the  wine  is  drunk,  and  the  white  fowl,  or 
goat,  is  presented  to  the  creditor.  This  white  gift  is  called 
“ a being  rubbed  white  ” (nJcuswa  mpemba),  for  the  man 
who  holds  the  pledge  rubs  some  chalk  with  his  fingers  by 
the  side  of  the  right  ear  of  the  pawn,  and  his  redemption  is 
completed,  the  chalk  being  a sign  that  he  is  clean,  and  there 
is  nothing  against  him.  If  however,  the  borrower  cannot 
collect  sufficient  money  to  redeem  his  pledge,  he  will  take  a 
calabash  of  palm  wine  and  a goat  to  the  lender  and  ask  for  the 
remainder  of  the  price  of  the  pawn  he  holds.  Upon  that 
being  paid  the  goat  is  killed ; one  half  is  divided  among  the 
witnesses  to  the  transaction,  and  the  other  half  is  given  to 
the  creditor,  and  the  pawn  is  no  longer  a free  person  but  a 
slave  belonging  to  the  family  of  the  purchaser.  A pawn  does 
not  receive  any  pay  from  the  person  who  holds  him  in  pledge ; 
but  he  can  work  independently  of  his  master,  and  can  pay 
from  his  earnings  the  amount  for  which  he  was  pledged,  plus 
fifty  per  cent. ; and  the  master  on  receiving  the  total  and 
interest  must  give  a white  goat  to  his  former  pledge  “ to  rub 
on  the  chalk,”  as  a token  that  he  is  free. 

Among  the  Upper  Congo  tribes  it  is  possible  to  gauge 


TOTEMISM 


99 


approximately  the  proportion  of  slaves  in  a town  by  the 
tribal  mark  seen  on  the  faces  of  the  men  and  women,  boys  and 
girls — those  having  other  marks  than  the  tribal  mark  of  the 
district  are  slaves ; but  on  the  Lower  Congo,  where  no  tribal 
marks  are  used,  it  is  more  difficult  to  apportion  the  number 
of  slaves  to  the  population.  As  stated  elsewhere,  it  is  possible 
for  a slave  to  redeem  himself ; but  it  is  very  rarely  done,  for  a 
slave  has  seldom  the  ambition  or  the  desire  to  be  free,  or  the 
care  and  forethought  to  save  his  money  for  such  a purpose. 

A clan  will  combine  against  another  clan  to  protect  its 
members  against  being  raided  and  carried  off  as  slaves ; and  in 
less  important  affairs  the  members  of  a family  (vumu)  will  join 
together  to  help  one  of  their  number  in  any  trouble,  such  as 
paying  a debt  or  a fine.  The  goods  of  the  whole  family  are 
to  a certain  extent  held  in  common — this  is  the  theory,  but 
the  person  needing  help  must  be  a persona  grata  to  the 
family  before  those  possessing  the  means  will  have  the  money 
to  give  or  lend. 

With  regard  to  totemism,  after  very  careful  inquiries  I have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  while  at  one  time  it  may  have 
been  in  force  in  this  region,  the  only  indication  of  such  preva- 
lence still  surviving  is  to  be  found  in  certain  clan  names  of 
which  up  to  the  present  I have  been  able  to  procure  the 
following:  esi  kia  ntu  mia  Nzenze =the  people  belonging  to 
the  heads  of  the  mole-cricket.  These  are  proud  of  their 
name  because  the  mole-cricket  (7izenze)  always  sticks  up  its 
head  even  when  being  cooked : but  these  same  people  hunt, 
cook,  and  eat  the  mole-cricket,  esi  KiMFUH7=the  tortoise 
people ; and  they  catch  and  eat  tortoise  in  common  with  others. 
ESI  Kinasoa — the  cowrie-shell  people,  who  live  in  a town  near 
Kitovola  not  far  from  Tumba  railway  station.  It  is  quite 
possible  that  these  names  have  nothing  to  do  with  a survival 
of  totemism,  but  are  simply  clan  names,  and  may  even  be 
sobriquets.  There  is  nothing  to  hold  the  family  and  clan 
together  but  the  recognition  of  a common  origin  from  some 
female  progenitor. 

A town  comprises  many  families,  and  these  are  not 
necessarily  of  one  clan,  but  may  be  representatives  of  several 


100 


CONGO  CHIEFS 


clans  who  for  various  reasons  find  it  convenient  to  live  in  that 
particular  town.  Palavers  that  are  strictly  family  affairs  are 
settled  by  the  families  concerned;  and  those  that  affect  the 
well-being  or  otherwise  of  the  whole  town  are  dealt  with  by 
the  heads  of  the  families  with  the  chief  at  the  head  of  their 
council.  In  times  of  war  all  the  families  join  together,  under 
the  chief,  to  repulse  the  common  enemy ; and  the  chief  on 
these  occasions  serves  out  the  gunpowder  and  arranges  the 
mode  of  fighting,  either  of  attack  or  defence,  and  leads  his 
men  in  the  fight.  He  alone  can  sue  for  peace,  and  either 
accept  or  refuse  the  terms  offered ; or,  being  victor,  he  can 
receive  the  “ white  goat  ” of  peace  offering  from  the  conquered, 
and  make  blood  brotherhood  with  the  enemy. 

The  Congo  chief,  especially  as  I knew  him  in  the  old  days, 
was  a quiet,  dignified  man,  who  knew  his  position,  estimated 
himself  highly,  and  received  with  proper  pride  the  homage  due 
to  him  from  those  who  were  of  lower  rank  and  birth.  The 
homage  he  demanded  from  others,  he  willingly  paid  to  the 
King,  and  to  those  nobles  who  were  above  him  in  rank.  There 
was  here  and  there  a young,  impetuous,  reckless  chief  who  for 
a time  defied  the  conventions  of  his  office,  but  he  was  soon 
brought  to  book,  and  was  ultimately  glad  to  submit  to  those 
rules  that  regulate  the  relationship  between  a chief  and  his 
people.  With  Belgium  ruling  over  one  part  of  the  Lower 
Congo,  and  Portugal  governing  the  other  part,  the  position  of 
a chief  has  been  modified  ; some  of  the  older  families  have  been 
supplanted,  and  others  have  been  put  in  their  places  who  are 
more  amenable  to  the  new  state  of  affairs,  or  have  ingratiated 
themselves  with  the  white  masters.  I have  known  many  chiefs, 
and  regard  with  respect  and  kindly  feeling  not  a few. 

The  chiefs  proper  are  the  descendants  of  noble  families; 
and  each  one  is  head  of  the  people  living  in  his  town.  He 
owns  the  ground  upon  which  the  town  is  built,  the  neighbour- 
ing plateaus,  the  farm  lands,  the  woods,  and  the  streams. 
During  the  time  that  the  various  families  live  in  his  town,  they 
may  hunt  in  the  bush  and  forest,  and  cultivate  the  farm  lands 
belonging  to  their  chief,  but  on  leaving  the  town  to  live  else- 
where they  have  no  further  rights  and  privileges  in  those  lands. 


POWERS  OF  A CHIEF 


101 


He  allots  to  the  women  the  ground  necessary  for  their  farms, 
shows  them  new  farm  sites  when  the  old  are  exhausted 
(manuring  has  never  been  practised),  and  receives  from  each 
woman,  in  times  of  good  harvest,  a small  portion  of  the  pea- 
nut harvest  of  her  farm.  This  tax  is  paid  when  there  is  a 
superabundance,  but  is  neither  recognised  nor  demanded  in 
times  of  scarcity.  A share  of  the  palm  wine  gathered  from 
the  palm  trees  on  his  land  is  regularly  given  to  him  for  the 
use  of  his  household.  He  has  a right  to  a portion  of  every 
animal  slain  within  the  limits  of  his  territory,  whether  killed 
by  his  own  people  or  by  the  folk  of  a neighbouring  town — its 
death  on  his  estate  establishes  for  him  a right  to  certain 
recognised  portions.  He  receives  a full  share  of  all  tolls  paid 
for  any  bridges  built  by  his  people  over  neighbouring  rivers, 
and  a proportion  of  the  fees  paid  by  travellers — white  and 
black — for  being  ferried  in  canoes  by  his  people  over  rivers  too 
wide  to  be  spanned  by  such  bridges  as  the  natives  can  build. 
When  a market  is  established  on  his  ground  he  receives 
nothing  for  it ; but  if  a roadside  market  is  opened  on  a main 
or  caravan  route  that  happens  to  run  across  his  land,  he 
receives  a small  toll  in  recognition  of  his  rights.  He  also 
receives  all  fines  inflicted  for  breaking  any  of  the  laws  of  his 
town,  and  a share  of  those  fines  that  are  levied  upon  those  who 
break  the  laws  of  the  district  in  which  he  lives. 

The  Congo  chief  is  the  magistrate  for  his  town  or  village. 
All  quarrels  between  two  or  more  of  his  people  are  submitted 
to  him  for  arbitration ; and  he  either  “ teaches  ” the  disputants, 
or  inflicts  a fine  as  the  case  demands.  In  complicated  disputes 
his  principal  men  advise  him  ; and  when  the  trouble  is  between 
one  of  his  own  people  and  a person  belonging  to  another  town, 
then  the  two  chiefs  with  their  headmen  judge  the  case.  In 
quarrels  involving  whole  villages,  the  overlord  of  the  district 
sits  as  chief  judge,  while  minor  chiefs  act  as  a kind  of  jury,  or 
advisory  council.  Whilst  undoubtedly  there  is  a great  deal  of 
bribery,  and  false  swearing,  yet  there  are  unwritten  rules  for  re- 
gulating lawsuits.  Moreover,  the  fines  imposed  are  not  arbitrary, 
the  result  of  passion,  or  the  whim  of  the  moment,  for  when  a law 
is  promulgated  the  fine  for  breaking  it  is  stated  at  the  same  time. 


102 


CHIEF’S  SUCCESSOR 


If  the  chief  is  a great  one,  an  overlord,  having  wide 
influence,  he  levies  an  ad  valorem  toll  on  all  trading  caravans 
passing  through  his  district,  and  for  this  he  guarantees  pro- 
tection. He  must  be  moderate  in  his  demands,  or  the  native 
traders  will  make  a wide  detour  to  avoid  his  territory ; but 
his  demands  on  the  white  traveller  are  often  anything  but 
moderate  and  reasonable. 

On  the  chiefs  death  a brother,  by  the  same  mother,  takes 
his  position  as  chief,  and  failing  a brother,  then  his  nephew. 
Whilst  the  chieftainship  goes  to  a brother,  the  property  is 
inherited  by  the  nephew — the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  sister — 
and  failing  a nephew,  then  the  brother  or  sister,  by  the  same 
mother,  succeeds  to  the  estate  of  the  deceased.  Should  there 
be  none,  the  wealth  is  distributed  equally  among  the  members 
of  his  family.  Neither  a child  nor  a wife  inherits  anything. 
If  the  wife  has  lent  the  husband  any  money,  as  is  often  the 
case,  that  is  refunded  to  her ; or  if  she  has  put  some  money 
into  a trading  scheme  of  her  husband’s,  that  capital  is  paid 
back  to  her — she  has  in  these  loans  a first  claim  on  the  estate. 
The  property  of  the  maternal  aunt  goes  to  her  husband  at  her 
death ; and  it  is  possible  for  the  maternal  uncle  to  will  that  his 
property  should  be  divided  among  his  brothers  and  sisters,  by 
a declaration  to  this  eft'ect  before  witnesses ; but  if  he  has  a 
pet  nephew  he  wills  all  to  him,  and  then  on  his  decease  the 
nephew  winds  up  the  corpse  in  the  dead  uncle’s  personal  estate 
of  cloth,  buries  the  body,  and  places  his  uncle’s  crockery  on  his 
grave ; then  he  takes  over  the  real  estate  of  his  late  uncle’s 
slaves  and  wealth,  and  assumes  the  position  of  chief.  When 
there  is  neither  brother  nor  nephew  to  take  the  position  of 
chief,  then  a sister,  by  the  same  mother,  or  a niece  can  become 
chief  of  the  town  with  all  its  burdens  and  emoluments.  I have 
known  more  than  one  woman  who  was  a chieftess  in  their  own 
rights ; but  I have  only  met  one  acting  as  a chief,  and  I have 
cause  to  remember  her,  for  when  I visited  her  town,  tired  and 
hungry,  she  kept  me  waiting  more  than  two  hours  while  she 
dressed  in  her  finest  cloth,  beads,  and  paint  to  receive  me  in 
proper  style,  and  show  me  a house  in  which  to  rest  and  sleep 
during  my  sojourn  in  her  town. 


CHAPTER  X 


CONGO  WOMEN  AND  THEIR  WAYS 

AT  any  time  between  six  and  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning 
you  can  hear  the  rattle  of  brass  anklets  as  the  women 
and  girls  pass  your  bungalow  to  their  farms.  Poised 
on  their  heads  are  baskets,  each  containing,  maybe,  an  empty 
calabash,  or  a hoe ; a few  of  the  women  have  pipes  in  their 
mouths,  and  here  and  there  a mother  is  carrying  her  baby 
tied  on  her  back  by  an  old  cloth,  or  leading  a toddling  child 
by  the  hand.  For  the  most  part  the  women  are  silent,  and 
the  earlier  the  hour  the  less  garrulous  are  they  who  compose 
the  procession  of  farm  workers.  Similar  streamlets  are  flowing 
from  the  town  on  all  sides,  for  the  farms  lie  in  the  valleys  and 
on  the  sloping  hill-sides  in  all  directions  round  the  town. 

Should  you  visit  the  farms  during  the  morning  or  early 
afternoon  you  will  see  the  women  busily  engaged  in  weeding 
the  mounds  of  manioc,  maize,  and  pumpkins,  or  hoeing  and 
planting  the  manioc  stems,  or  splitting  the  pumpkins  and 
drying  their  seeds  in  the  sun,  or  grubbing  up  the  ground-nuts 
and  spreading  them  to  dry,  according  to  the  season  of  the 
year.  Each  woman  works  on  her  own  farm ; but  here  and 
there,  where  two  or  three  women  have  united  their  forces  and 
are  working  together,  you  can  hear  that  their  tongues  are 
as  busy  as  their  fingers.  Their  amours,  of  the  present  and 
the  past,  are  more  than  hinted  at,  and  to  hear  their  boastful 
talk  you  would  judge  them  to  be  the  objects  of  numerous 
intrigues ; but  their  statements  respecting  such  matters  must 
be  taken  cum  grano  salts : or  it  may  be  that  the  latest  witch- 
craft scandal  is  the  subject,  being  canvassed  with  much 
freedom  of  expression,  and  with  many  phrases  of  surprise  and 
invective ; or  some  woman  is  cursing  with  bitter  tongue  the 
thief  who  has  robbed  her  farm,  and  she  is  neither  choice  in 

103  1 


104 


FRIENDLY  DISPOSITION 


her  language,  nor  reticent  in  her  accusations ; and  in  a neigh- 
bouring farm  a shrill  voice  can  be  heard  denying  the  in- 
nuendoes, and  replying  to  the  insinuations  in  vehement  terms 
and  loud  curses.  Most  mothers  work  with  their  babies  tied 
on  their  backs,  for  there  are  too  many  rumours,  true  and  false, 
of  children  being  carried  off  by  wild  animals  or  killed  by 
snakes,  &c.,  to  leave  them  under  the  shade  of  the  tree,  unless 
it  happens  to  be  quite  close  to  the  plot  of  land  being  worked. 

If 'you  are  walking  out  to  the  farms  in  the  late  afternoons, 
pushing  your  way  through  the  tall  grass  that  encircles  the 
towns  and  villages,  you  will  meet  the  women  returning  from 
the  farms  with  baskets  of  food  upon  their  heads,  bundles 
of  firewood  in  their  arms,  and  calabashes  of  water  tied  on  their 
backs,  or,  if  they  have  babies  on  their  backs,  the  water  is 
balanced  among  the  food  in  their  baskets.  They  are  laughing 
and  chatting,  for  their  tongues  have  been  loosened  by  much 
exercise  through  the  day ; and  as  they  catch  sight  of  your 
well-known  white  face,  they  facetiously  greet  you  with 
“ Have  you  slept  well,  uncle  ? ” or  “ father  ” or  “ grand- 
father ? ” according  to  their  age,  or  what  they  suppose  yours 
to  be.  They  are  quite  willing  to  crack  a joke  with  you,  and 
if  you  know  their  proverbs,  or  the  niceties  of  their  language, 
you  will  find  them  smart  at  repartee.  They  stand  aside  in 
the  grass  to  let  you  pass  along  the  narrow  path,  and  each  will 
give  a greeting,  or  make  an  inquiry  after  your  health,  or 
throw  out  a laughing  comment  on  your  clothes  or  personal 
appearance  as  you  go  by  ; but  if  you  are  a stranger  their 
tongues  are  tied,  and  your  passage  will  be  a silent  one.  They 
will  stand  aside  out  of  respect  for  your  white  face,  and  as 
you  pass  they  turn  their  faces  away,  and  look  at  you  furtively 
out  of  the  corners  of  their  eyes.  To  the  friendly  white  man 
whom  they  know  their  greetings  are  kindly  and  pleasant;  but 
to  the  unfriendly  white  man  they  have  nothing  to  say,  and 
their  averted  faces  are  a “ cut-dead  ” about  which  there  is  no 
mistake. 

The  return  of  the  women  seems  to  rouse  the  town  to  life. 
The  old,  the  young,  and  the  sick,  that  have  been  drowsing  in 


LIFE  OF  THE  VILLAGE 


105 


the  shade  through  the  hot  hours  of  the  afternoon,  come  out 
of  their  cool  hiding-places  to  greet  the  women,  and  scan  with 
hungry,  inquisitive  eyes  the  contents  of  the  baskets  that  are 
now  on  the  ground ; and  the  men  and  boys,  having  returned 
from  their  work  in  the  forests,  or  from  hunting,  or  from  the 
markets,  add  their  voices  and  laughter  to  the  noises  of  the 
reawakened  town.  Above  the  hum  of  talk  can  be  heard  the 
shouts  of  wrangling  women,  and  two  or  three  loud,  shrill- 
voiced women  abusing  each  other  are  quite  sufficient  to 
dominate  all  other  sounds.  If  you  walk  across  the  town  about 
sunset  you  will  notice  the  men  and  elder  lads  busy  finishing 
some  mats,  or  building  a house,  or  sitting  about  waiting  for 
the  evening  meal,  while  the  women  and  girls,  for  the  most 
part,  are  engaged  in  various  cooking  operations,  but  occa- 
sionally you  will  see  some  old  women  shelling  peanuts  or  crack- 
ing pumpkin  seeds,  and  retailing  the  gossip  culled  from  the 
market,  farm,  or  village  that  they  have  visited  during  the  day. 

Women  loom  large  in  Congo  village  and  town  life,  and 
their  position  has  both  its  advantages  and  disadvantages. 
There  are  women  that  stand  out  prominently  as  dominant 
factors  in  native  life — women  of  a type  that  in  other  and 
civilised  lands  would  be  leaders  of  Society,  centres  of  political 
intrigue,  or  the  something  around  which  would  crystallise  a 
special  coterie,  a cult,  or  a salon.  They  state  their  opinions 
freely  and  forcibly,  they  criticise  unreservedly  the  actions  of 
the  men,  and  they  express  in  no  unmistakable  terms  their 
views  of  what  should,  or  should  not,  be  said  and  done  in  the 
“ palavers  ” that  are  occupying  the  attention  of  the  chief  and 
headmen  of  the  town — their  words  carry  weight,  and  frequently 
turn  the  scale  in  favour  of  this  or  that  course  of  action. 
Sometimes,  being  of  noble  family,  they  are  present  at  the 
“ palaver  ” ; but  more  often  they  speak  loudly  as  they  sit  at 
the  open-air  fire,  and  when  they  speak  every  other  sound  is 
hushed,  and  their  voices  carry  far  on  a still  night,  and  the 
chief  and  the  headmen  hear  and  profit  by  the  advice  thrown 
on  the  night  air ; and  it  is  curious  how  many  men  at  the  next 
palaver  hold  similar  views  that  jump  with  those  that,  a night 


106  THE  SLAVE  WOMAN 

or  so  before,  were  flung  by  a strong-minded  woman  at  the 
stars. 

The  free  woman  of  ordinary  intelligence,  of  average  skill  in 
farming  and  cooking,  has  in  all  things  that  pertain  to  women 
pretty  much  her  own  way;  but  the  slave  woman  is  the  chattel 
of  her  owner,  to  be  beaten  without  redress,  to  be  abused  with- 
out the  power  of  replying,  and  to  be  passed  from  hand  to  hand 
without  the  opportunity  of  protesting  against  her  fate.  Any 
day  she  may  be  called  upon,  at  the  mei’e  whim  of  a man,  to 
give  up  her  children,  her  village  acquaintances,  and  her  hard- 
worked  farm,  to  start  life  afresh  in  a town  both  distant  and 
strange. 

The  Congo  woman  reflects  as  readily  her  temporary  circum- 
stances as  a river  does  the  bright  sunshine  or  the  passing  cloud. 
When  in  health,  her  farm  yielding  well,  and  her  market 
transactions  are  profitable,  her  mouth  is  full  of  laughter ; hut 
the  slightest  ill-health,  or  the  smallest  reverse,  and  her  spirits 
drop  to  zero,  her  face  is  drawn  and  smileless,  and  her  temper 
uncertain.  She  will  respond  quickly  to  a kindness;  but  a 
supposed  affront  will  arouse  her  bitterest  resentment,  and  in 
her  anger  she  will  do  and  say  things  that  will  amaze  the 
impartial  onlooker,  and  astonish  herself  in  calmer  moments. 
She  is  swayed  by  various  superstitions  and  omens,  and  is  a 
great  asset  to  the  witch-doctor,  and  no  small  source  of  his 
wealth  and  prestige.  She  can  be  a bitter  enemy  and  a faithful 
friend,  and  will  fight  tenaciously  for  the  side  upon  which  she 
arrays  herself.  She  is  very  conservative  in  her  outlook,  and 
the  status  quo  of  her  village  and  home  life  has  no  stauncher 
supporter ; but  once  win  her  to  other  views  and  there  is  no 
more  self-sacrificing  adhei'ent  to  be  found  anywhere,  for  she 
will  give  her  time,  her  strength,  and  her  money  to  promote 
that  which  she  believes  to  be  right,  and  neither  sneers,  nor 
ridicule,  nor  persecution  will  damp  her  ardour,  or  turn  her 
from  her  purpose. 

In  the  heathen  village  she  is  encouraged  by  her  mother,  and 
taught  by  the  customs  of  the  place,  that  before  betrothal, 
and  even  after  she  is  bespoken,  intercourse  with  the  lads  and 


BARREN  WOMEN 


107 


bachelors  is  both  legitimate  and  natural ; but  when  as  a 
married  woman  she  becomes  enceinte  she  will  suppress  herself, 
control  her  passions,  and  treat  men  as  utterly  non-existent  for 
three  years  or  more.  This  she  does  on  the  supposition  that  it 
will  be  beneficial  for  her  child,  but  it  exhibits  a power  of  self- 
control  for  which  she  receives  little  credit  from  members  of  a 
higher  civilisation,  who  often  ignorantly  regard  her  as  being 
little,  if  any,  better  than  a mere  animal. 

A barren  woman  on  the  Lower  Congo  is  ridiculed  by  the 
women  of  her  district,  and  is  treated  with  scorn  by  her  own 
family,  for  she  has  failed  to  add  her  quota  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  clan.  Her  name  is  bandied  from  mouth  to  mouth  in 
the  village  song,  her  life  is  rendered  intolerable  by  the  sneers  of 
her  neighbours,  and  suicide  has  not  infrequently  been  the 
result  of  the  treatment  meted  out  to  her.  If,  however,  she  can 
prove  that  her  husband  is  to  blame,  she  can  procure  a divorce 
from  him,  and  he  then  becomes  the  butt  of  the  village  wits. 

On  the  Lower  Congo  mother-right  has  been  in  vogue  for 
untold  generations,  and  this  has  fostered  the  idea  that  it  is  the 
sole  duty  of  a woman  to  give  birth  to  children  that  her  family 
may  not  die  out,  but  rather  rise  in  importance  with  the  increase 
of  its  members.  It  is  to  enlarge  her  family  that  she  was  locmed 
to  the  man ; the  children  belong  to  her  eldest  brother,  and  it  is 
her  eldest  son  who  will  become  heir  to  her  brother’s  property, 
and  to  his  position  also  if  there  is  no  brother’s  brother  to  take 
the  place  of  the  deceased.  Wherever  I have  found  mother- 
right  in  full  force  on  the  Congo,  I have  observed  that  the 
women  keenly  desire  to  bear  children,  and  those  customs  are 
fostered  and  strengthened  that  maintain  and  meet  this  desire. 

When  a barren  woman  has  tried  charms  and  fetishes  of 
various  kinds  and  they  have  failed  her,  she  goes  to  the  medicine- 
man {ngang'  a nkau)  who  is  at  the  head  of  the  secret  society 
called  the  country-of-the-dead  (iixi-a-fwa,  see  p.  158) ; and  he, 
having  procured  certain  leaves  the  names  of  which  are  kept  a 
profound  secret,  squeezes  their  juice  into  palm  wine,  which  she 
drinks.  She  remains  in  the  “ doctor’s  ” town  a considerable  time. 
Or,  if  a lodge  of  this  society  is  started  in  her  district,  she  will 


108 


METHODS  OF  ABORTION 


enter  it  and  spend  many  months  there,  during  which  she  is 
supposed  to  die,  and  in  due  time  she  is  restored  to  life  with  all 
her  functions  in  a normal  condition,  i.e.  fit  to  bear  children. 
Or  she  may  arrange  with  her  husband  for  a strong,  healthy 
man  to  visit  her,  and  should  she  bear  a child,  her  husband  will 
regard  it  as  his  own  and  will  treat  it  as  such ; and  the  woman 
can  claim  a divorce  if  she  wishes  to  leave  the  husband. 

After  the  above  remarks  it  may  seem  strange  that  there 
should  be  various  methods  of  procuring  abortion ; yet  there 
are  times  when  a woman  does  not  wish  to  be  a mother,  as 
when  her  hatred  towards  her  husband  more  than  counter- 
balances her  longing  for  children : or,  when  she  is  desirous  of 
shielding  an  illicit  lover.  It  must  be  remembered  that  in  a 
country  where  polygamy  is  recognised  a large  number  of  virile 
young  women  are  often  tied  to  an  old  man,  hence  when  such 
wives  stray  from  the  paths  of  native  virtue  they  will  submit 
to  such  means  as  will  hide  their  shame,  protect  the  child  from 
scorn,  and  save  their  lover  from  the  payment  of  a heavy  fine. 
They  may  go  to  a medicine-man,  but  this  is  not  very  probable, 
as  such  visits  are  soon  noised  abroad,  and  will  in  time  reach 
the  ears  of  the  husband.  They  resort  mostly  to  the  juice  of 
manioc  leaves,  or  to  a large  dose  of  common  salt,  or  to  a 
small  piece  of  nsele-nsele  root,  powdered  and  drunk  with  water 
or  palm  wine,  or  to  eating  manioc  leaves  that  have  been 
soaked  in  water  for  many  days.  The  leaves  are  astringent,  and 
the  root  causes  severe  diarrhoea. 

When  an  unmarried  woman  has  a child,  no  fine  is  paid 
by  the  man,  but  the  child  is  never  allowed  to  call  him  father, 
although  they  may  both  be  living  in  the  same  town.  The 
child  belongs  to  the  woman’s  family,  is  known  to  all  as  a 
“ child  of  adultery  ” {mwan'  a zumba),  and  is  spoken  of  as  such. 
The  other  children  taunt  him  by  saying,  “ You  have  no  father, 
you  came  from  a tree.”  In  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district  the  man 
has  now  to  pay  a fine  for  adultery. 

At  one  time  it  was  the  custom  for  women  and  girls  to 
live  apart  periodically  in  a special  house  {nzo  a manga)  so 
as  to  isolate  them  from  all  contact  and  converse  with  men. 


SEPARATION  HOUSES 


109 


When  they  stopped  building  these  sepai’ation  houses  such 
women  confined  themselves  to  the  more  obscure  part  of  the 
house  {ngudi  a nzo),  and  used  their  own  door,  in  the  back 
wall,  for  exit  and  entrance.  During  these  times  a woman 
is  not  permitted  to  cook  her  husband’s  food,  nor  food  for  any 
male  member  of  her  family ; neither  is  she  allowed  to  touch 
anything  belonging  to  a man,  nor  return  a man’s  salutation. 
If  she  has  to  pass  near  where  some  men  are  sitting  who  are 
likely  to  give  her  the  equivalent  of  “ Good  morning,”  or  “ Good 
evening,”  she  deliberately  puts  her  pipe  in  her  mouth,  and 
gripping  it  firmly  with  her  teeth  she  makes  it  stick  out  straight 
in  front  of  her,  as  a sign  that  she  may  not  answer,  for  she  is 
regarded  as  unclean.  In  a large  number  of  towns  and  villages 
the  women  are  counted  unclean  every  morning  until  they 
have  bathed ; and  in  these  towns  it  is  reckoned  exceedingly 
bad  taste  for  an  unwashed  woman  to  speak  to  a man — any 
man ; and  many  a woman  has  been  thrashed  for  laxity  in  the 
observance  of  this  rule. 

Some  cases  of  incest  are  known,  but  it  is  very  rare.  When 
committed  with  a sister,  or  with  a father’s  wife,  the  punishment 
is  either  death  or  banishment.  One  of  each  kind  came  to  my 
knowledge,  and  they  were  both  banished  from  the  town : one 
has  not  been  heard  of  for  thirty  years,  and  the  other  has  not 
been  allowed  to  return  to  San  Salvador  for  nearly  twenty 
years.  Sometimes,  but  rarely,  a man  commits  this  crime 
with  his  mother-in-law,  while  his  wife  is  alive,  and  may  want 
to  take  her  as  his  wife  after  his  wife — her  daughter — is  dead. 
This  is  not  permitted,  and  the  man  is  liable  to  be  tied  and 
whipped  very  severely ; and  such  a man  would  find  it  difficult 
to  procure  another  wife  in  a district  where  he  is  known. 

Women  who  are  enceinte  have  many  whims  and  fancies, 
which  their  husbands  do  their  best  to  supply.  Tadpoles  are 
much  sought  after  and  enjoyed  by  women  in  this  condition, 
and  they  are  also  very  fond  of  the  red  earth  of  ants’  nests. 

If  a man  is  very  hospitable  and  entertains  many  friends, 
his  wife  will  perhaps  be  afraid  that  her  husband  will  not  eat 
sufficient  food  to  satisfy  himself,  and  if  she  is  a good  wife. 


110 


GOOD  AND  BAD  WIVES 


caring  for  her  husband,  she  reserves  and  hides  an  extra  portion 
for  him  to  be  eaten  after  his  visitors  have  gone.  Such  a 
woman  is  regarded  as  a paragon  of  thoughtfulness,  as  is  also 
the  other  kind  of  woman  who,  when  her  husband  is  in  diffi- 
culties with  a creditor,  will  not  allow  herself  to  be  induced  to 
leave  him  for  the  creditor  in  payment  of  the  debt  owing, 
although  her  family  gives  its  consent  for  her  to  do  so,  and 
even  tries  to  persuade  her.  Such  an  opportunity  is  taken 
advantage  of  by  too  many  women,  for  such  marriages  (Jongo 
hcampela)  are  somewhat  common. 


CHAPTER  XI 


BIRTH  AND  CHILDHOOD 

The  Congo  baby  on  the  first  day  of  its  birth  is  nearly 
white,  with  a slight  greyish  tint  in  its  skin,  but  every 
day  it  becomes  darker,  until  in  a few  weeks  it  assumes 
the  rich  brown  coffee  colour  of  its  parents.  The  Congo  baby 
is  surrounded  with  various  charms,  and  is  the  object  of  many 
superstitious  rites.  In  anticipation  of  its  arrival  a female 
“ doctor  ” (called  ngang  a nkamba)  is  sent  for,  who  pro- 
cures pieces  of  different  kinds  of  fish  and  animals  which  she 
cooks  together.  Then  she  threads  a necklace  of  beads  with  a 
univalve  shell  in  the  centre,  and  into  this  shell  she  puts  a 
little  chalk,  a certain  leaf,  a pinch  of  salt,  and  a portion  of 
the  prepared  stew.  The  prospective  mother  must  pass  her 
tongue  every  morning  across  the  opening  of  the  shell,  to 
ensure  an  easy  delivery  of  a healthy  child  used  to  all  kinds  of 
food.  The  expectant  mother  having  received  her  charm,  the 
“ doctor  ” feeds  her  with  some  of  the  stewed  fish  and  meats ; 
and  then  a curious  custom  follows,  of  the  reason  for  which  no 
one  can  inform  me.  A fowl  is  cooked  and  a leg  of  it  is 
put  on  one  side  for  the  eldest  child  of  the  prospective  mother 
(or,  failing  a child,  for  her  sister  or  next  nearest  relation). 
The  child  must  pretend  to  steal  it,  and  as  he  runs  away  those 
members  of  the  families  who  are  present  make  a feint  of 
catching  him,  and  shout  after  him  “ Thief ! Thief ! ” After 
the  birth  of  a child  the  husband  must  not,  and  will  not,  go 
near  the  house  for  three  weeks  or  a month. 

The  new-born  babe  is  washed  with  warm  water ; and  a 
woman,  other  than  the  mother,  nurses  the  child  for  one  day. 
When,  however,  the  mother  goes  to  the  farm  leaving  her  baby 

in  the  town,  it  is  nursed  in  a friendly  way  by  any  woman  who 

111 


112  BESPEAKING  AN  INFANT  GIRL 


has  a child  of  similar  age.  It  is  thought  that  if  the  child 
belonging  to  the  friendly  nurse  is  older,  her  milk  will  be  too 
strong  for  the  younger  baby,  and  will  cause  it  to  vomit.  As 
soon  as  the  child  is  old  enough  it  eats  roasted  cassava,  or  pea- 
nuts, which  have  been  masticated  first  by  the  mother,  and  the 
child  is  not  weaned  until  he  is  about  three  years  old : a bitter 
decoction  is  then  put  on  the  breast  to  disgust  the  child. 

By  the  side  of  the  fire  in  the  house  of  a new-born  child 
there  is  always  a pot  ^ of  hot  water,  and  the  man,  old  or  young, 
who  drops  the  first  bead  into  it  any  time  during  the  first  two 
days  can  claim  the  baby,  if  a girl,  as  his  future  wife.  The 
bead  must  be  dropped  in  within  two  days  after  the  birth,  and 
may  be  dropped  in  by  a parent  on  behalf  of  a son.  Only  a 
member  of  those  clans  into  which  the  girl  may  marry  will 
attempt  to  establish  a claim  in  this  manner.  Although  the 
marriage  money  will  not  be  paid  until  later,  yet  no  one  else 
will  be  allowed  to  marry  her.  A man  of  the  wrong  clan, 
or  a stranger  (though  it  is  unlikely  that  a stranger  will  be 
able  to  enter  the  house)  who  puts  the  bead  into  the  saucepan 
will  have  it  returned  to  him ; but  if  there  is  neither  kinship 
nor  clan  reason,  nor  any  other  real  objection  why  the  person 
dropping  in  the  bead  should  not  eventually  marry  the  girl,  he 
will  bitterly  resent  the  return  of  the  bead  as  a gross  insult. 
The  saucepan,  however,  is  well  guarded  during  these  two  days, 
and  only  a very  small  percentage  of  the  girls  are  bespoken  in 
this  manner.  A bead  given  in  this  way  is  regarded  as  a gift 
to  the  girl,  and  enables  the  giver  to  set  up  'an  exclusive  claim 
to  her  hand  when  she  arrives  at  a marriageable  age ; but  when 
that  time  comes  the  man  will  have  to  pay  the  marriage  money 
usually  demanded  for  a girl  of  her  position.  Or,  if  that 
amount  is  placed  at  an  absurdly  high  figure,  and  is  conse- 
quently prohibitive,  the  man  can  claim  the  return  of  his 
“ gift,”  and  he  can  legally  demand  such  a high  rate  of  interest 
that  a lawsuit  may  be  necessary  to  settle  the  affair. 

The  house  in  which  a birth  takes  place  is  for  the  time 
being  called  Tcialakaji,  a name  that  indicates  that  it  is  a 
* This  special  pot  is  called  mansilxca. 


Rev.  J.  L.  Forfeitt 

Lower  Congo  Woman  and  Child 

This  is  a typical  Lower  Congo  woman.  The  upper  front  teeth  are  removed,  which  was  a more 
common  custom  thirty  years  ago  than  now.  The  fringed  cloth  was,  at  one  lime,  the  only  article  a 
woman  wore,  and  it  was  tied  round  the  waist  exposing  the  right  thigh.  I he  cloth  was  sewn  by  the 
men,  and  it  was  the  duly  of  a good  husband  to  give  occasionally  a new  cloth  to  each  of  his  wives. 


SAFEGUARDING  A BABY 


113 


place  where  a child  is  being  suckled.  Immediately  on  the 
birth  of  the  baby  a new  middle  frond  of  a palm  is  cut,  shaken 
out,  and  placed  over  the  door  to  protect  the  infant  from  two 
kinds  of  dangers.  Should  a quarrel  arise  in  the  town,  or  an 
enemy  attack  the  town,  no  one  would  dare  to  molest  a house 
thus  guarded  by  a palm  frond ; and  it  warns  off'  those  people 
who  eat  the  animal  which  is  taboo  to  the  new  baby’s  family, 
for  such  must  not  enter  the  house : for  example,  if  the  taboo 
(in  this  instance  called  mpangii)  of  the  child'’s  family  is 
hippopotamus  meat,  then  any  one  who  eats  that  animal  must 
refrain  from  entering  the  house,  or  the  child  will  become 
sickly,  and  perhaps  die.  In  about  a month  the  palm  frond 
is  removed,  as  the  baby,  by  that  time,  is  regarded  as  strong 
enough  to  be  unaffected  by  such  malign  influences.  Women 
sometimes  suffocate  their  children,  but  unless  this  is  done 
before  the  child  cries,  it  is  treated  as  murder  and  punished 
accordingly. 

If  a woman,  while  enceinte,  dreams  of  running  water,  snakes, 
or  water-sprites  {ximbi),  she  believes  that  her  child  will  be 
an  incarnation  of  a water-sprite.  The  sprites  inhabit  the 
streams,  and  the  snakes  live  among  the  stones  near  the  watei*- 
courses,  hence  to  dream  of  snakes  or  running  water  is  equiva- 
lent to  dreaming  of  the  water-sprites  themselves.  Therefore, 
directly  such  a child  is  born,  a cloth  is  tied  round  it  and  no 
one  is  permitted  to  know  its  sex,  except  the  “ doctor,'”  until 
it  receives  its  name.  A few  days  after  the  birth  of  the  child  a 
particular  kind  of  “ doctor  is  called,  who  starts  a dance  which 
lasts  all  night,  and  is  accompanied  with  much  drinking  and 
drumming,  and  the  firing  of  many  guns  if  the  family  is  suffici- 
ently wealthy.  A bower  of  palm  fronds  is  erected  as  a shelter 
for  the  father,  mother,  and  baby  ; and  all  the  plates,  dishes, 
and  pots  used  during  the  accouchement  are  placed  near  the 
booth.  At  dawn  the  “ doctor  ” takes  a plate  of  palm  wine, 
and,  dipping  some  leaves  in  it,  he  sprinkles  the  baby,  the 

^ Named  ngan^  a nkisi.  {Nkisi= fetish,  charm,  amulet.)  This 
“doctor”  is  always  called  upon  to  perform  his  ceremony  when  there 
is  anything  unusual  or  abnormal  about  the  birth  of  a child. 

H 


114 


A SPRITE  CHILD 


mother,  and  the  father,  after  which  he  asks  the  crowd  three 
times  if  they  know  the  child’s  name.  They  answer,  “ No, 
we  do  not  know  the  name.”  Thereupon,  the  “ doctor  ” shouts 
out,  “ It  is  Lombo.”  At  once  the  people  make  a noise  by 
clapping  the  palms  of  their  hands  on  their  open  mouths. 

The  folk,  on  hearing  the  name  Lombo,  know  that' the  child 
is  a girl,  for  if  it  were  a boy  its  name  would  be  Etoko ; and 
they  also  know  from  the  name  given  that  the  mother  has 
dreamed  either  of  running  water,  or  snakes,  or  water-sprites. 
The  “ doctor  ” receives  a fee  of  one  fowl,  fifteeen  strings  of 
beads,  and  all  the  utensils  that  were  placed  near  the  booth  at 
the  commencement  of  the  ceremonial  dance.  All  the  girls 
called  Lombo  and  the  boys  named  Etoko  are  supposed  to  be 
incarnations  of  water-sprites,  or  possess  in  some  strange  way 
the  orenda,  or  nature,  of  the  snake. 

When  the  child  grows  up,  it  receives  presents  from  its 
relatives  and  neighbours  on  account  of  its  sprite  nature.  The 
sprites  are  supposed  to  endow  one  thus  born  with  various 
powers  and  fairy  gifts,  and  hence  the  presents  are  given  to 
Lombo  and  Etoko  children  to  gain  the  good-will  of  these 
incarnations  or  favourites  of  the  sprites.  It  is  believed  that 
they  have  the  power,  not  only  of  imparting  good  luck,  but  also 
of  inflicting  many  misfortunes ; and  the  presents  are  given  to 
obtain  the  former  and  avert  the  latter  from  the  givers ; and 
the  whole  of  the  “ christening  ” ceremony  is  to  make  the  sprite- 
child  amenable  to  the  ordinary  rules  of  life.  The  lemha-lcmha 
leaves  used  in  the  ceremony  are  only  employed  by  a “ doctor  ” 
when  something  uncanny  is  to  be  counteracted  in  the  person 
subjected  to  the  rite,  as  in  the  case  of  a madman,  a homicide, 
&c.  These  children  become  quickly  aware  of  the  deference 
paid  to  them  by  their  families  and  neighbours,  and  they 
develop  into  arrogant  little  pests,  as  they  find  that  their 
demands  are  not  refused. 

Snakes  are  either  under  the  special  protection  of  the 
water-sprites,  or  are  incai’nations  of  them,  and,  on  account  of 
this  connection,  snakes  are  not  killed  or  hurt  in  a house  where 
these  sprite-children  have  been  born ; and  neither  Lombo  nor 


REBIRTH 


115 


Etoko  children  are  allowed  to  kill  snakes,  lest  they  should 
murder  one  of  their  own  kith  and  kin.  They  do  not  drive 
them  from  their  houses,  and  the  snakes,  apparently  conscious  of 
their  immunity,  are  very  frequently  found  in  the  houses  of 
men  and  women  called  Etoko  and  Lombo.  Again,  the  most 
vulnerable  part  of  a snake  is  its  head,  and  people  must  not 
strike  these  sprite-children  on  the  head.  There  is  an  indefin- 
able but  clear  connection  in  the  native  mind  between  the 
water-sprite,  the  snake,  and  the  Lombo  and  Etoko  children. 

It  is  believed  that  the  only  new  thing  about  an  infant  is 
its  body.  The  spirit  or  soul  of  the  child  is  thought  to  be  old, 
and  to  have  belonged  either  to  a deceased  person,  or  to  a 
living  person,  or,  as  stated  above,  to  a water-sprite.  For  this 
belief  they  give  two  reasons.  They  notice  that  the  child 
speaks  at  an  early  age  of  strange  matters  the  mother  has  never 
taught  it,  and  this  they  regard  as  the  old  soul  talking  in  the  new 
body  ; and  again,  if  the  child  is  like  a relative  it  is  thought  to 
have  the  soul  of  the  person  it  resembles,  and  that  person  being 
now  soulless  will  soon  die.  Hence  in  Congo,  to  say  that  a 
baby  is  like  anyone,  is  not  regarded  as  a compliment,  and  is 
anything  but  pleasing  to  that  person,  for  you  have  observed 
what  they  have  been  trying  to  hide  from  themselves — the 
likeness,  which  proves  that  the  child  has  their  souls,  and  that 
they  themselves  will  soon  die.  Neither  may  you  say  that  the 
baby  is  “ fat  ” (jnaji),  for  they  think  you  want  “ to  eat  it  ” in 
spirit,  and  as  a result  the  baby  will  quickly  die ; nor  may  you 
praise  it  as  a fine  child,  for  the  evil  spirit  {ndoTci)  will  hear 
you,  and  take  it  away,  i.e.  it  will  die;  and  for  the  same 
reason  parents  never  count  their  children  lest  the  evil  spirit 
should  hear  them  and  remove  one  or  more  by  death.  You 
may  speak  of  it  as  a “ stout  ” (mpongo')  child  without  giving 
any  offence. 

A baby  that  presents  its  feet  first  at  birth  is  always  called 
Nsundi,  no  matter  what  its  sex  may  be ; but  a few  years 
later,  the  above  ceremony  as  for  a sprite-child  takes  place,  and 
a more  suitable  name  is  chosen  by  the  boy  or  girl.  A child 
born  with  six  fingers  is  called  Ngonga ; and  should  a 


116  CHILDREN  AND  THEIR  NAMES 


woman  bear  a child  a considerable  time  after  the  way  with 
women  has  ceased,  that  child  is  known  as  Mavakala  all  through 
life.  A child  born  with  teeth  is  named  Mavasavasa,  and 
such  an  abnormal  event  is  placed  to  the  credit  of  a fetish 
power.  The  first  child  of  twins  is  always  called  Nsimba, 
and  the  second  Nzuji;  and  the  first  baby  born  by  a mother 
after  twins  takes  the  name  of  Nlandu,  and  the  second  after 
twins  that  of  Lukombo.  An  albino  always  takes  the  name 
of  Ndundu,  and  is  believed  to  be  the  incarnation  of  a water- 
sprite,  and  as  such  is  supposed  to  possess  much  power. 
He  is  not  worshipped  but  is  greatly  feared  by  the  people, 
for  he  not  only  causes  humpback  and  rheumatism,  but  he 
can  also  cure  these  and  various  other  complaints  and  de- 
formities. When  he  dies  his  spirit  does  not  go  to  the 
forest  like  the  spirits  of  ordinary  people,  but  returns  to 
the  water.  A child  born  by  the  same  mother  after  an 
albino,  and  having  light  eyes  and  skin,  yet  not  a true 
albino,  is  named  Lubela.  Thus  to  hear  these  names  is  to 
know  at  once  the  birth-history  of  the  person  bearing  them 
(see  page  129  under  the  Ekinu  dance  for  other  names  of  a 
special  character). 

Because  of  the  extra  trouble  they  entail,  the  Lower  Congo 
women  do  not  take  kindly  to  twins,  hence  it  is  the  general 
practice  to  starve  one  of  them.  When  a twin  is  thus  starved, 
or  dies  a natural  death,  a piece  of  wood  is  roughly  carved  to 
represent  a child,  and  it  is  put  with  the  living  twin  that  it 
may  not  feel  lonely.  Should  the  second  child  die  the  image 
is  buried  with  it.  The  corpse  of  a twin  is  placed  on  leaves 
and  covered  with  a white  cloth,  and  is  buried  at  the  cross 
roads  like  a suicide,  or  a man  killed  by  lightning.  It  is  re- 
garded as  a hateful  thing,  and  is  buried  in  the  most  dishonour- 
able of  all  graves. 

A Congo  mother  is  not  long  in  washing  and  dressing  her 
baby.  She  simply  holds  it  over  a saucepan  of  warm  water, 
and  throws  the  water  over  the  kicking,  screaming  babe  with 
her  hand ; she  then  shakes  off  the  superfluous  water  and  the 
bathing  is  finished.  The  dress  consists  of  a string  of  beads 


CHARMS  FOR  BABIES 


H7 


round  the  waist,  and  a few  charms  tied  on  various  parts  of 
the  body.  ITiese  charms  are  to  protect  it  from  those  diseases 
to  which  Congo  babies  are  subject.  There  are  horns  and 
shells  into  which  the  “ doctor  ” has  put  strange  messes ; and 
there  are  beans,  leaves,  and  twigs  that  are  supposed  to  pre- 
serve the  child  from  stomach-ache,  convulsions,  wind,  and 
diarrhoea.  Should  the  mother  die  the  living  child  is  buried 
with  the  corpse ; and  very  often  the  babies  suck  for  hours  at 
the  dead  breasts,  before  the  time  of  burial  arrives.  The 
reason  for  this  is,  that  no  woman  wants  the  trouble  of  bring- 
ing up  a child  which  will,  by  and  by,  be  claimed  by  the  child’s 
own  family ; and  she  will  also  be  held  responsible  by  the 
child’s  family  for  anything  that  may  happen  to  the  baby 
while  it  is  in  her  care.  This  is  one  of  the  by-products  of 
mother-right.  Their  cruelty  is  more  often  the  outcome  of 
their  superstitious  fears,  and  of  their  clashing  customs,  than 
from  a delight  in  causing  pain  and  suffering. 

Some  anxious  mothers,  after  the  birth  of  a child,  send 
for  a witch-doctor  (jigang'  a = traps),  who  brings 

with  him  a number  of  small,  conical  basket  traps — hence  the 
name  of  his  order.  These  he  carefully  places  all  round  the 
doors  of  the  house  to  catch  any  evil  spirits  {ndohi)  that  may 
try  to  get  into  the  house,  and  enter  the  child  to  kill  it.  The 
“ doctor  ” looks  at  the  traps  every  morning,  and  if  he  finds 
a cockroach  or  spider  in  any  one  of  them,  it  is  looked  upon 
as  a proof  that  he  has  caught  an  evil  spirit  in  the  very  act 
of  entering  the  house  to  harm  the  child.  Evil  spirits  can 
disguise  themselves  in  any  convenient  form,  and  the  “ doctor” 
before  setting  the  traps  puts  in  something  to  attract  the 
insects.  If  before  birth  a “ doctor  ” says  that  the  child’s  hair 
is  not  to  be  cut  until  he  comes,  then  they  wait  for  him,  and 
on  his  arrival  he  squeezes  the  juice  of  some  leaves  over  the 
hair,  and  then  cuts  it. 

When  a girl  is  old  enough,  i.e.  about  six  or  seven  years  of  age, 
she  helps  her  mother  in  the  house,  in  cooking,  and  in  farm  work. 
She  fetches  the  water  from  the  nearest  stream,  which  means 
from  ten  to  forty  minutes’  walk  according  to  distance.  Water 


118  THE  GIRL  HELPS  HER  MOTHER 


kept  in  the  house  all  night  is  thrown  away  in  the  morning, 
hence  the  fetching  of  a fresh  supply  is  a daily  necessity,  and  in 
the  dry  season  it  often  means  a very  cold  journey,  in  the  early 
morning,  to  an  almost  naked  girl.  On  her  return  she  sweeps 
the  house,  which  is  an  easy  task  where  there  are  no  carpets  to 
shake  and  no  furniture  to  dust  and  polish — a broom  is  run 
over  the  earthen  floor  and  it  is  finished.  As  a rule  the  fire 
is  kept  burning  all  night,  for  the  heat  warms  the  sleepers,  and 
the  smoke  drives  away  the  mosquitoes ; but  should  the  fire 
go  out  it  is  the  girl’s  duty  to  relight  it.  This  is  not  so  easy 
as  it  appears  ; for  she  must  not  take  fire  from  another  hearth 
lest  she  gives  her  family  any  disease  from  which  the  people 
are  suffering  from  whom  she  procures  the  lighted  stick  to  re- 
kindle her  own  fire.  The  introduction  of  matches  has  simpli- 
fied the  process,  but  where  such  European  luxuries  have  not 
yet  penetrated  the  girl  must  use  the  flint  and  steel,  or  know 
for  a certainty  of  a thoroughly  healthy  family  from  whose 
hearth  she  can  take,  without  fear  of  evil  consequences,  a little 
fire  to  restart  her  own. 

After  her  morning  duties,  the  girl  takes  her  hoe,  basket, 
and  calabash  and  accompanies  her  mother  to  the  farm,  where 
she  hoes,  plants,  weeds,  and  reaps  according  to  the  season, 
under  her  mother’s  guidance;  and  in  the  evening  she  assists 
in  cooking  the  evening  meal,  which  is  the  principal  one  of  the 
day.  A thoughtless  mother,  who  does  not  teach  her  daughter 
these  various  duties  against  the  time  she  has  a house  and  farm 
of  her  own,  is  condemned  by  all  the  village  folk ; and  a girl 
who  neither  cooks  nor  farms  properly  will  bring  a very  low 
price  in  the  marriage  market ; and  “ going  cheap  ” she  is  the 
butt  of  much  ridicule,  and  the  subject  of  taunts,  jeers,  and 
impromptu  village  songs. 

The  girl  remains  under  the  protection  of  her  mother 
until  her  marriage ; but  should  the  mother  die,  she  is  sent  to 
her  maternal  uncle,  who  becomes,  her  sole  guardian  and  the 
arbiter  of  her  fate.  The  girl’s  mother,  should  she  be  alive, 
has  much  to  say  regarding  the  disposal  of  her  daughter’s  hand ; 
and  the  prospective  bridegroom  who  does  not  conciliate  her 


THE  BOY  AND  HIS  FATHER  119 


with  small  presents  and  thus  seek  to  win  her  consent  to  the 
marriage,  may  succeed  in  winning  his  bride,  but  he  will  have 
in  his  mother-in-law  a veritable  vixen  who  will  undermine  his 
domestic  peace  by  constantly  trying  to  set  her  daughter  against 
her  husband.  I have  known  of  more  than  one  separation  be- 
tween husband  and  wife  take  place  for  no  other  reason  than 
this. 

The  boy  is  taught  by  the  father  to  set  traps  for  farm  rats, 
wild  animals,  and  birds;  and  he  also  teaches  him  to  buy  and 
sell  on  the  markets,  to  trade,  to  carry  loads,  to  build,  to  sew 
his  own  clothes,  and  to  be  able  to  sew  his  wife’s  (or  wives’) 
clothes  too.  The  girls  are  not  taught  to  sew,  for  the  rough, 
hard  hoeing  of  their  farms  soon  stiffens  their  fingers,  and  renders 
them  unfit  to  hold  a needle.  The  son,  if  properly  trained, 
visits  the  different  towns  and  districts  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  his  home,  and  becomes  more  or  less  expert  in  the  matters 
that  he  should  know  as  a man. 

When  the  lad  is  about  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  old  the 
boy’s  maternal  uncle  brings  a calabash  of  palm  wine  to  the 
father  and  claims  the  lad.  The  father  has  no  power  to 
withhold  him  from  going  with  his  uncle,  but  the  lad  himself 
can  refuse  to  go,  and  thus  elect  to  remain  under  the  tutelage 
of  his  father  as  long  as  he  likes.  Until  the  uncle  comes  with 
the  palm  wine  the  lad  is  under  the  protection  of  his  father, 
who  is  responsible  for  him  to  the  boy’s  family,  but  on  the 
boy  going  with  the  uncle,  the  father’s  responsibility  is  ended. 

A father  is  not  allowed  to  appropriate  his  children’s  goods, 
nor  may  he  take  possession  of  any  wealth  they  have  inherited 
from  their  mother,  nor  can  he  take  his  wife’s  money.  If  he 
is  pressed  for  money  he  can  borrow  from  his  wife,  if  she  is 
willing ; and  very  often  they  each  put  a certain  amount  of 
capital  into  a trading  venture,  and  share  accordingly ; and 
should  the  husband  die  first,  the  wife  has  priority  of  claim  on 
his  goods  up  to  the  amount  lent,  or  the  capital  put  into  the 
trading  concern.  On  the  other  hand,  a woman  can  take  the 
man’s  (her  husband’s)  goods  and  need  not  repay  the  debt. 
Where  mother-right  exists  the  position  of  free  women  is  in 


120 


FRIGHTENING  CHILDREN 


some  respects  greatly  in  advance  of  those  tribes  where  father- 
right  is  the  rule. 

A father  may  prosecute  his  child,  but  a child  is  not  per- 
mitted to  institute  a lawsuit  against  his  father ; and  for  this 
reason  there  is  a strong  public  feeling  that  a father  should 
treat  his  children  properly,  as  they  have  no  redress. 

There  is  something  very  pleasing  and  lovable  about  Congo 
children.  When  they  have  once  conquered  their  fear  of  our 
white  faces  and  strange  clothes,  they  become  very  trustful, 
confidential,  and  ever  ready  with  a smile  that  is  often  winsome. 
Before  they  knew  us  they  were  constantly  threatened  with 
“ The  white  man  is  coming  to  take  you  away  ” ; and  many  a 
child  in  Congoland  has  been  frightened  into  obedience,  or 
startled  into  quietness,  by  the  horrible  words,  “ Here  is  the 
white  man,”  or  “ I will  give  you  to  the  white  man,”  and  other 
phrases  in  which  the  white  man  looms  as  the  bogey.  Later 
on,  in  their  teens,  they  become  wilful,  passionate,  and  difficult 
to  manage,  for  the  father  exercises  little  or  no  control  over 
them — they  do  not  belong  to  him,  and  the  mother  is  often 
weak  and  allows  them  to  have  their  own  way.  As  Christianity 
and  civilisation  bring  better  influences  to  bear  on  their  home 
life,  and  effect  more  control  over  their  hearts  and  lives,  many 
of  the  repulsive  lines  now  seen  in  the  faces  of  the  men  and 
women — largely  the  result  of  wild,  ungoverned  passions — will 
be  eliminated,  and  the  pleasant  faces  of  childhood  and  youth 
will  be  seen  in  later  life,  and  even  in  old  age. 


CHAPTER  XII 


NATIVE  AMUSEMENTS 

There  is  not  a great  variety  of  games  known  to  the 
natives.  Hockey  is  played  all  over  the  Lower  Congo, 
and  in  recent  years  it  has  penetrated  to  some  parts  of 
the  Upper  River.  The  lads  are  intensely  fond  of  the  game, 
and  no  matter  how  long  their  journey  has  been,  or  heavy 
their  loads,  they  will,  a few  minutes  after  arriving  at  a resting- 
place,  look  around  for  a suitable  piece  of  ground,  and  finding 
it,  they  will  start  a game  of  hockey.  At  Wathen  station, 
where  a fine  open  space  has  been  utilised  as  a playground, 
hockey  is  played  on  every  available  opportunity,  and  a great 
amount  of  energy  is  expended  on  the  game.  The  boys  cut 
their  own  sticks  in  the  forest,  and  make  their  own  rough 
wooden  balls,  and  arrange  sides  as  we  do ; but  there  is  little 
science  in  the  game,  as  they  do  not  care  to  keep  to  their  places, 
but  like  running  all  over  the  field.  On  arriving  at  San 
Salvador  in  the  early  part  of  1882  I found  the  boys  of  that 
generation  just  as  keen  on  hockey  as  the  lads  of  the  present  day. 

On  moonlight  nights  they  play  a game  called  mbele.  This 
is  played  by  both  sexes  joining  together,  and  to  the  beat  of 
drums  and  singing.  This  game,  however,  led  to  so  much 
adultery  and  its  attendant  “ palavers,”  that  when  the  Christian 
Church  was  formed,  the  native  members  desired  that  there 
should  be  rules  to  the  effect : that  no  Church  members 
should  play  mixed'  mhele,  i.e.  the  males  should  play  by  them- 
selves, and  the  women  and  girls  by  themselves  in  another  part 
of  tl\e  town ; and  that,  as  the  drums  badly  excited  them, 
causing  them  to  lose  all  self-control,  the  game  should  be  played 
without  the  beating  of  drums.  The  making  of  these  rules 

has  led  to  greater  morality  among  those  who  observe  them — 

121 


122 


MAKE-BELIEVE  GAMES 


and  they  are  very  numerous  ; and  any  Church  member  breaking 
them  is  disciplined  by  his  fellow-members. 

The  boys  and  gii-ls  have  their  make-believe  games,  such  as 
cooking,  feasting,  and  marketing.  It  is  pleasant  to  watch  them 
on  such  occasions.  How  seriously  they  walk  to  their  make- 
believe  markets,  and  chaffer  as  they  have  seen  their  elders  do, 
for  the  mock  goods  exposed  for  sale ! Then,  outside  some 
rudely  erected  toy  hut,  built  by  the  boys,  they  cook  their  pre- 
tended food  on  fireless  hearths  in  odd  bits  of  broken  saucepan 
rescued  from  the  rubbish  heap,  and  inviting  their  child  friends, 
they  sit  down  to  eat  their  imaginary  feast  with  much  laughter, 
and  probably  with  as  much  relish  as  the  real  ones.  Perhaps 
they  have  raided  their  mothers’  baskets  and  shelves,  and  thus 
their  imaginations  are  aided  by  a few  real  nuts,  a piece  of 
sugar  cane,  and  a lump  of  native  bread. 

Some  of  the  boys  have  visited  the  State  Station  with  their 
fathers  or  brothers,  and  have  seen  the  soldiers  drill ; and 
nothing  will  satisfy  them  but  to  drill  the  small  fry  of  the 
village.  There  they  are  in  a line  marching  along  the  village 
street  with  sticks  for  guns,  an  old  kerosene  tin  for  a drum,  and 
three  or  four  reeds  for  trumpets.  How  self-consciously  they 
strut  along,  with  what  marvellous  flourishes  the  instruments 
play ; but  proudest  of  them  all  is  he  who  drills  them  by 
shouting  words  that  are  neither  French  nor  Congo,  but  are  the 
nearest  imitations  he  can  produce  to  the  sounds  he  heard  on 
the  white  man’s  parade-ground.  He  does  not  know  what  they 
mean,  neither  does  his  regiment,  but  they  turn  this  way  and 
that  way  and  are  boisterously  happy.  Sometimes  with  a few 
empty  provision  tins  they  will  start  a band,  and  jokingly 
serenade  you,  but  a little  salt  will  please  them,  and  they  will 
take  themselves  and  their  so-called  music  to  another  place, 
feeling  well  repaid  by  your  small  present — for  salt  is  as  much 
appreciated  by  Congo  boys  and  girls  as  chocolates  are  by 
English  children.  Congo,  however,  is  a toyless  country,  a land 
where  children  are  not  catered  for ; but  notwithstanding  that 
the  youngsters  by  their  boisterous  laughter  and  merry  shouts 
seem  to  extract  a great  amount  of  joy  out  of  life. 


“THE  YOUNG  PIGEON”  123 


For  the  names  and  movements  of  some  of  the  games  that 
follow  I am  indebted  to  Dr.  Bentley.^  There  is  a game 
played  by  two  children  called,  “ The  Young  Pigeon  ” {mwan' 
eyembe).  The  left  hands  are  held,  and  with  the  right  hand 
each  rubs  his  own  ribs,  whilst  the  supposed  mother  bird  sings 
this  little  ditty : 


‘‘  O mwana  a eyembe 
Kameneno  nsala  ko ; 

E lumbu  kemenwa  e nsala 

Ku  mputu  kekwenda 

O eyembe  papa  e papa.” 


The  young  pigeon 
Has  not  yet  grown  feathers ; 
The  day  when  the  feathers  are 
grown 

To  the  white  man’s  country 
shall  go 

The  pigeon,  flap,  flap. 


The  “young  pigeon”  coos  an  accompaniment,  and  when 
the  song  is  finished,  the  players  clap  their  right  hands  over  and 
under  the  interlocked  left  hands,  which  are  then  separated, 
and  each  claps  his  own  hands  together  and  strikes  his  right 
thigh,  after  which  they  lock  hands  and  commence  again. 

There  is  another  game  called  “ Spider  ” {esanga  ngungu), 
which  is  played  by  a number  of  children  joining  hands  and 
dancing  round  a youngster  (the  spider)  in  the  middle,  who 
tries  to  seize  one  of  the  dancers  by  the  leg  and  drag  him 
down.  The  victim,  as  he  is  seized,  cries  out : “ Alas ! alas ! 
I have  stepped  on  a thorn  under  the  water.” 

Chorus  of  all  the  other  dancers.  Pull  it  out. 

Victim.  I would  have  pulled  it  out,  but  my  knife  is  blunt. 

Chorus.  Try  and  go  to  sleep. 

Victim.  I have  repeatedly  tried  to  sleep  but  failed. 

Chorus.  Count  your  followers  {i.e.  think  of  those  belonging 
to  you). 

Victim.  I have  tried  again  and  again-  but  they  are  so 
numerous  they  cannot  be  counted. 

Chorus.  Try  once  more. 

Victim.  I have  a relative,  Bukusu,  the  Bukusu  who  wears 

* Bentley’s  Dictionary  and  Grammar  of  the  Congo  Language,  p.  492. 
Triibner  «fe  Co.,  1887. 


124 


NKENKA 


seven  necklaces ; had  he  brought  with  him  a pumpkin  leaf 
mixed  with  a cabbage  leaf  it  would  have  soothed  it. 

The  one  caught  proceeds  to  mention  all  the  other  dancers 
in  the  same  way.  (A  knife  is  always  used  to  extract  a thorn 
from  the  sole  of  the  feet,  as  the  skin  is  very  hard,  and  needs  a 
sharp  knife  to  cut  the  corneous  skin  round  the  thorn  to  get  a 
grip  of  it.) 

A game  called  NJcenka  is  played  by  the  boys  and  girls 
digging  a hole  (ezouhc)  about  twenty  inches  deep  by  about  four 
inches  in  diameter.  This  is  half  filled  with  peanuts  (jiguba), 
and  then  filled  with  earth  well  rammed  in.  The  midrib  (mbasd) 
of  a palm  frond  is  made  into  a fork  (nsoma)  with  several 
prongs.  The  fork  is  driven  through  the  dirt  into  the  peanuts 
below,  and  if,  on  being  pulled  out,  it  has  a peanut  on  it  the 
fortunate  driver  wins  all  in  the  hole.  Each  player  puts  an 
equal  portion  of  peanuts  in  the  hole. 

The  children  hide  a small,  hard,  brightly-coloured  seed  in 
one  of  five  little  heaps  of  sand  or  dust.  The  one  whose  turn 
it  is  to  play  has  to  level  down  four  of  the  heaps,  leaving  intact 
the  heap  containing  the  seed.  Should  he  succeed  he  has  the 
privilege  of  hiding  the  seed.  A tally  of  successful  guesses  is 
kept  by  making  a mark  {soneka  e sinsu)  with  the  finger  on  the 
ground. 

For  lads  there  is  a game  of  touch  with  the  feet  on  all 
fours  with  the  back  undermost  called  Nkiendi.  A large  court 
is  marked  out  on  the  ground,  and  the  “hunters”  {iikongoi) 
chase  the  “antelope”  {nkayi),  who  is  not  allowed  to  run 
outside  the  court.  The  “hunters”  run  about  on  all  fours 
with  their  faces  uppermost ; and  in  this  ridiculous  manner 
they  hurry  around  after  the  “ antelope,”  who  is  the  only  one 
permitted  to  stand  up.  The  hunters  try  to  hem  him  in  a 
corner ; but  if  the  “ antelope  ” to  avoid  capture  runs  out  of 
the  court,  then  they  all  get  up  on  their  legs  and  follow 
after  him,  and  the  one  who  catches  him  first  and  pretends  to 
cut  up  the  “antelope”  takes  his  place  in  the  court.  It 
causes  a great  amount  of  laughter  and  excitement,  as  every 
“ hunter  ” makes  a pretended  cut  at  the  “ animal  ” with  shouts 


A BALL  GAME 


125 


of  “ The  head  for  me,”  “ A leg  for  me,”  “ Some  flesh  for  me.” 
They  tumble  on  one  another  like  a scrimmage  in  football. 
Sometimes  a rule  is  made  that  there  shall  be  no  chasing 
beyond  the  court,  and  if  the  “ antelope  ” breaks  the  bounds, 
the  first  “ hunter  ” who  sees  him  cries  out,  “ The  antelope 
has  broken  loose,”  and  takes  his  place  as  “ antelope.” 

A number  of  players  sit  on  the  ground  in  a circle  with 
their  legs  stretching  before  them.  One  of  the  players  puts 
a ball  {esomba)  on  his  knees,  and  with  one  leg  jerks  the 
ball,  and  rolls  it  on  to  the  knees  of  his  neighbour.  Should 
the  ball  fall  to  the  ground,  the  player  who  thus  fails  to 
pass  on  the  ball  must  go  into  the  centre  of  the  ring  and 
dance  for  the  amusement  of  the  others.  This  game  is  called 
Dihulungu. 

When  a fresh  bean-pod  is  put  out  in  the  sun  it  will 
warp  and  turn  over  as  it  dries,  and  this  has  suggested  the 
name  for  a game  called  Titi  Ida  luJcasa,  or  pod  of  a bean. 
The  players  form  a ring,  each  grasping  loosely  with  his  right 
hand  the  left  wrist  of  his  neighbour.  One  of  the  players 
then  lifts  his  right  leg  over  his  right  arm  as  it  holds  the 
left  arm  of  his  neighbour,  then  he  passes  his  left  leg  in  the 
same  way  over  his  right  arm.  He  now  stands  facing  his 
two  neighbours,  his  arms  crossing  at  the  back  with  the  left 
arm  uppermost;  then  by  passing  his  left  arm  over  his  head, 
he  turns  round  and  assumes  his  former  position  in  the  circle. 
Each  player  does  this  in  turn,  and  the  clumsy  become  the 
butt  of  ridicule  to  the  others. 

The  fruits  of  the  croton  plant  (Jatropha  curcas)  lend  them- 
selves to  a game  named  Vif  a mbuta.  A number  of  lads 
divide  themselves  into  two  sides,  each  player  having  a good 
supply  of  croton  fruit,  which  are  about  the  size  of  a chestnut. 
The  sides  stand  about  forty  yards  apart,  and  in  the  middle 
each  builds  its  own  “ town  ” — little  piles  of  croton  fruit, 
four  in  a pile  and  one  “ town  ” for  each  side.  They  then 
take  up  their  position  at  their  own  respective  ends,  and  each 
side,  with  its  store  of  crotons,  pelts  the  “ town  ” belonging  to 
the  other  side,  and  when  one  “town”  is  knocked  down  they 


126 


“HUNT  THE  SLIPPER” 


rush  on  the  losing  side  and  throw  crotons  at  them,  and  then 
the  melee  becomes  general,  and  crotons  are  flying  in  all 
directions.  As  accidents  often  occur  in  the  last  rush  the 
game  is  forbidden  in  some  towns. 

A game  somewhat  similar  to  “Hunt  the  Slipper,”  but 
called  by  the  natives  Nduku,  is  played  thus : the  players  form 
two  sides  and  sit  in  lines  feet  to  feet.  A cloth  is  thrown  over 
the  legs,  and  a small  article  is  passed  from  one  to  another 
under  the  cloth,  every  one  rummaging  about  as  though  pre- 
tending to  pass  it.  A player  on  the  opposite  side  challenges 
one  on  the  playing  side  hy  saying,  “ Confess  ” {funguna),  and 
attention  being  given  to  him,  the  leader  on  the  playing  side 
asks,  “ On  whose  head  ? " (Jcu  ntu  a nani).  And  the  person  thus 
challenged  guesses  who  has  the  article.  If  he  is  right  the 
article  is  handed  to  his  side,  and  it  counts  one  game  to  his 
side. 

There  is  “ Blind  Man’s  Buff’”  {Njimina),  which  is  usually 
playedin  the  house;  another  kind  of  “Hunt  the  Slipper ’’(A^andi 
a ngongo),  in  which  a palm-nut  is  passed  round  the  ring  of 
players,  and  the  one  in  the  centre  pounces  on  the  person  who 
he  thinks  has  it,  and  they  change  places  if  he  is  right.  Then 
there  is  hopping  the  longest  time  (Nsongongo),  and  “ Touch  ” 
{EJio). 

In  a former  work  ^ the  writer  has  given  a full  description 
of  Mbele,  a game  which  is  very  popular  all  over  the  Congo ; 
also  of  a hoop  game  [Lungungu) ; and  of  searching  for  a needle, 
directed  by  the  playing  of  a Biti  ; and  the  game  of  Loso,  played 
with  the  canna  seeds. 

There  is  a bull-roarer  (Ngwingwingwe)  made  from  a bamboo 
or  a piece  of  wood.  It  is  regarded  only  as  a plaything. 
Women,  and  also  men  and  children,  put  their  hands  over  their 
faces  when  a person  approaches  who  is  twirling  one  of  them, 
but  this  appears  to  be  only  from  fear  of  the  many  accidents  due 
to  bullroarers  coming  off  their  strings,  and  flying  into  the  faces 
of  those  who  happen  to  be  near.  String  games,  or  cats’ 

^ Congo  Life  and  Folklore.  John  H.  Weeks.  Religious  Tract  Society, 
1911. 


GAMBLING  GAMES 


127 


cradles  are  to  be  found,  but  they  are  not  very  common.  “ Odds 
and  Evens  ” (called  Mpinji,  and  also  Nxibidi)  is  sometimes  played 
— the  odds  are  named  one  (Jcinwsi),  and  the  evens,  two  (pole). 

There  is  a gambling  game  (Wadi)  played  by  adults  and 
young  men,  with  eight  discs  (mpanza),  either  of  calabash  or 
crockery,  having  one  side  white  and  the  other  coloured.  They 
are  rattled  in  the  hands  and  then  thrown  (the  thrower  is  nte, 
the  throw  is  t'  e mpanza,  for  the  discs  to  fall  white  side  up  is 
sengoTia,  and  coloured  side  up  hukama).  When  the  pieces  are 
thrown,  if  even  numbers  turn  white  side  up,  2,  4,  6 or  8, 
the  player  loses,  and  such  a throw  is  called  zole,  and  when  8 
whites  turn  up  it  is  named  Tcaya.  When  odd  numbers  or  no 
white  sides  show,  0,  1,  3,  5,  7,  the  player  wins.  The  winning 
throws  have  certain  names.  No  whites  is  called  mayembe 
(pigeons) ; 1 coloured  is  marig'a= snake’s  sting,  3 or  5 coloured 
is  = leopard,  7 coloured  same  as  1,  manga.  It  is  at  this 

game  the  natives  often  lay  heavy  stakes,  and  sometimes  slaves. 

There  is  another  game  called  Kulvkuta,  which  is  played  in 
the  same  way  as  Wadi,  but  instead  of  money  being  staked,  the 
loser  has  to  eat  an  arranged  number  of  chilli  peppers,  some- 
times as  many  as  ten.  Occasionally  the  players  will  stipulate 
that  the  pepper  shall  be  rubbed  in  the  eyes  of  the  loser,  a cruel 
arrangement,  causing  excruciating  pain  to  the  unfortunate 
loser.  When  a player  has  lost  ten  times  in  succession  he  is 
excused  all  further  penalties. 

Every  kind  of  event  gives  an  occasion  for  a dance.  If  a 
serious  illness  excites  general  sympathy,  and  a desire  to  help,  a 
dance  is  arranged,  and  the  whole  night  is  spent  in  gyrating 
round  a drum.  If  there  is  to  be  a fight,  a dance  is  started, 
and  through  the  night  they  circle  about  a fetish  image,  calling 
upon  it  to  work  confusion  and  death  among  their  enemies.  If 
a victory  is  to  be  commemorated,  the  drums  beat  a joyful, 
defiant  note,  and,  firing  their  guns  and  waving  their  knives, 
amid  much  laughter  and  covered  with  perspiration,  they  shake 
their  bodies  and  try  to  excel  each  other  in  their  antics.  A 
birth,  a death,  a restoration  from  a severe  illness,  a return 
from  a long  journey,  or  the  start  for  a joiu-ney,  all  demand  a 


128 


DANCES 


dance ; and  if  there  is  no  such  ostensible  reason,  then  they  will 
find  one,  or  dance  for  the  mere  love  of  it.  They  are  danced 
into  the  world  at  their  birth,  and  they  are  danced  out  of  it  at 
their  death. 

Both  married  and  single  women  participate  in  all  the 
dances,  except  the  hunting  dance,  which  is  only  for  men.  As 
will  be  noted,  some  of  the  dances  take  place  at  night  and 
continue  until  the  dawn  appears;  such  dances  are  usually  in 
connection  with  their  fetishes,  and  are  danced  through  the 
night  because  the  spirits  are  then  abroad,  against  whom  they 
are  invoking  the  power  of  their  fetishes.  Other  dances  are  for 
moonlight  evenings,  or  for  the  glare  of  the  bonfire,  and  others, 
such  as  the  dance  after  a victory,  are  only  performed  during 
the  daylight. 

All  kinds  of  drums  are  used — long  and  short,  ovoid,  oblong, 
and  round.  They  are  either  beaten  by  the  hand,  or  with  a 
stick,  or  vibrated  by  friction.  The  drum  and  the  beat  indicate 
the  kind  of  dance,  as  particular  drums  are  used  for  certain 
dances.  To  European  eyes  there  is  not  much  “ poetry  of 
movement”  about  their  dances.  There  is  a raising  of  the 
shoulders,  a wriggling  of  the  buttocks,  a quivering  of  the 
posterior,  and  a throwing  up  of  the  legs,  with  occasional  jumps 
in  the  air.  The  movements  are  sometimes  suggestive  and 
obscene,  and  in  one  or  two  dances  the  opposite  sexes  embrace, 
such  dances  leading  to  much  immorality. 

In  their  dances  there  are  two  formations — the  circle,  and 
opposite  lines.  In  the  former  they  dance  round  a drum  or 
a fetish  image,  or  both ; one  or  both  being  placed  in  the  centre 
of  an  open  space,  and  the  men  and  women  join,  without  any 
order,  in  clapping  their  hands,  chanting  a chorus,  and  shuffling 
one  behind  the  other ; in  the  latter  two  lines  are  formed — one 
of  men  and  the  other  of  an  equal  number  of  women.  The 
drum  is  placed  at  one  end  of  the  line,  and  all  begin  to  clap, 
chant,  shuffle,  and  wriggle  together.  A man  then  advances, 
dancing,  and  a woman  from  the  opposite  line  advances  a few 
paces,  and  they  dance  thus  a few  moments,  usually  a yard  or 
so  apart,  but  sometimes  they  approach  nearer  and  strike  their 


FETISH  DANCES 


129 


abdomens  together,  then  they  retire,  and  others  take  their 
places,  and  so  on  right  down  the  lines ; and  thus  they  proceed 
over  and  over  again.  Those  waiting  for  their  turn  to  advance 
clap  their  hands,  chant,  and  wriggle  their  bodies  in  a peculiar 
undulating  movement  until  they  shuffle  towards  their  partners 
in  the  centre. 

The  following  are  the  names  and  particulars  of  various 
dances.  In  their  chants  and  choruses  so  many  obsolete  words 
are  used  that  the  singers  themselves  do  not  know  their  meaning. 
They  seem  to  have  become  mere  nonsense  phrases  that  fit  the 
rhythm  of  the  beaten  drum. 

1.  The  Ekinu  is  a fetish  dance  which  continues  all  night 
with  much  palm  wine  drinking.  It  is  a circular  dance,  and  is 
performed  while  the  “ doctor  ” {ngang'  a lembe)  is  making 
medicine  for  his  patient.  The  fetish  is  put  in  the  middle  of 
the  circle,  and  the  drum  behind  the  patient.  The  drum  is 
beaten,  the  rattle  shaken,  and  the  people  sing  a chorus  which 
literally  translated  is:  “Chalk  which  gave  me  life  on  the 
Ngoyo  Road  ” {hwvemba  luampene  o moyo  o njela  Ngoyoi). 
Ngoyo  is  a name  for  Kabinda,  a country  north  of  the  Congo 
River,  and  this  ceremony  and  song  are  said  to  have  been 
introduced  by  a Kabinda  “ doctor  ” who  visited  this  part  of 
the  country,  but  the  original  sense  has  been  lost. 

If  the  Mbambi  fetish  is  used  the  chorus  sung  is : “ Oh ! 
these  storms,  that  Mbambi  fetish  ” (Ngwa  e tembwa'  yi  mbambi 
yuna).  Again  the  real  meaning  is  lost,  and  perhaps  some  of 
the  original  words.  As  the  drum  is  beaten  the  “ doctor  ” 
drives  the  fetish  power  into  the  sick  man,  and  he,  being  excited 
by  the  drumming,  rattling,  and  singing,  jumps  on  the  nearest 
roof,  tears  handfuls  of  grass  from  it,  and  leaps  on  and  off  the 
roof  like  a madman.  The  “doctor”  after  a time  drops  the 
juices  of  certain  leaves  and  stems  on  him  to  soothe  and  quieten 
him.  The  sick  man  is  then  supposed  to  get  better,  and  having 
had  the  fetish  power  put  into  him,  he  himself  becomes  a 
“ doctor,”  and  can  practise  curing  others.  When  a woman,  in 
this  manner,  comes  under  the  sway  of  the  fetish  power  she 
becomes  a female  “ doctor,”  and  takes  the  name  of  nengudi. 


130 


FETISH  DANCES 


This  Ehinu  dance  is  performed  at  the  christening  ceremony 
of  a sprite  child,  when  the  doctor  is  called  to  remove  the  evil 
that  may  be  in  the  child  on  account  of  its  being  an  incarnation 
of  a water-sprite  (see  page  113). 

There  is  also  a similar  dance  and  ceremony  observed  over 
girls  with  the  names  of  NTcenge  and  Nsona,  and  boys  with  the 
names  of  LubaM  and  MbaM,  but  the  reason  for  the  performance 
of  the  ceremony  is  lost  in  their  case.  Nkenge  and  Nsona  are  the 
names  of  two  market  days,  and  are  given  to  such  girls  as  are 
born  on  those  days.  There  must  be  something  special  about 
some  of  the  four  days  of  their  week,  as  in  some  districts  they 
never  bury  on  either  Nkenge  or  Konzo,  but  only  on  Nsona  and 
Nlcandu.  There  are,  therefore,  children  born  on  certain  days 
who  require  an  all-night  dance  to  free  them  from  some  evil, 
and  other  days  upon  which  the  dead  may  not  be  buried.  Have 
they  lucky  and  unlucky  days  ? 

2.  The  Nloko  dance,  which  means  removing  of  witch  power 

(from  loka=to  bewitch,  and  its  reversive,  lokola),  is  a circular 
one,  and  is  performed  for  the  following  reasons  : (a)  If  a 

person  has  been  ill  for  a very  long  time,  and  one  after  another 
of  the  “ doctors  ” has  failed  to  cure  him  ; the  various  “ doctors  ” 
then  bring  their  fetish  images,  charms,  and  drums,  all  of  which 
they  place  in  the  centre,  and  the  adult  men  and  women  dance 
round  them  ; and  after  a time  they  form  a procession  and 
parade  the  streets  of  the  village.  These  circular  dances  and 
parades  continue  alternately  all  through  the  night,  and  it  is 
supposed  that  the  sum  total  of  all  the  strength  of  the  fetishes 
present  will  destroy  the  witch  who  is  retarding  the  recovery  of 
the  patient.  The  evil  spirits  being  about  at  night,  that  is 
assumed  to  be  the  best  time  to  deal  with  them.  (6)  As  a war 
dance,  i.e.  before  a fight  begins  and  as  it  proceeds  (see  under 
Warfare,  page  192). 

3.  The  Nsundi  is  danced  in  the  daytime,  or  in  the  evening 
moonlight,  by  men  and  women,  boys  and  girls.  A very  high 
drum  is  used,  and  the  men  wear  skins,  or  cloths  in  imitation  of 
skins,  and  these  are  thrown  about  by  the  knees  and  thighs  of 
the  wearers  as  they  jump  about  in  the  dance.  The  dancer  who 
swirls  his  skins  about  in  the  most  approved  fashion  is  praised 


FETISH  DANCES 


131 


as  the  best  performer,  hence  this  dance  is  always  executed  in  a 
good  light.  The  formation  is  in  two  lines  one  opposite  the 
other. 

4.  The  Etutu  is  a very  old  dance,  and  in  it  the  friction  drum 
was  used,  but  is  now  reserved  for  the  “ witch-finder  ” ; besides 
the  friction  drum,  some  drums  and  reed  pipes  or  whistles 
formed  the  band.  Now  a large  drum  with  a big  hole  in  the 
bottom,  to  make  it  sound  well,  is  employed  instead  of  the 
friction  drum.  The  dancers  carry  long  sticks  in  their  hands, 
with  bells,  or  anything  that  jingles,  fixed  to  the  top  ends.  It 
is  danced  by  a line  of  men  and  a line  of  women,  who  work  their 
shoulders  as  well  as  their  legs.  This  dance  is  also  known  by 
three  other  names.  Through  the  skin  head  of  the  friction  drum 
(dingwiti)  is  a strong  cord  knotted  at  the  end  to  keep  it  from 
being  pulled  through,  and  at  the  other  end  is  a smooth  stick. 
The  fingers  are  wetted  and  the  stick  drawn  through  them,  and 
the  drum  head  vibrates,  giving  out  a peculiar  note  as  the  stick 
slips  through  the  fingers.  A similar  dance  to  this  is  the  Lu- 
ngondongo,  but  with  a different  beat  on  the  drum  and  another 
chorus  for  chanting. 

5.  To  the  outsider  the  Sala  dance  is  the  most  interesting  of 

all  the  native  dances,  for  this  reason,  if  for  no  other,  that  it 
shows  the  oneness  of  human  vanity  all  the  world  over.  A 
medium  drum  is  used,  and  the  formation  is  in  two  lines,  one  of 
each  sex.  They  make  up  songs  about  one  another,  and  the 
dance  often  ends  in  a general ^aca^.  In  this  dance  the  follow- 
ing exhibition  of  pride  frequently  takes  place ; During  the 
dance  the  chief  or  important  man  arrives,  and  someone  not 
belonging  to  his  family  or  town  goes  to  the  drum,  and  by 
beating  carries  on  a conversation  with  himself — asking  ques- 
tions and  replying  to  them.  Thus  he  begins : “ Welcome  to  you. 
Chief  A.  Are  you  quite  well.?”  “lam  quite  well,”  replies 
the  drummer.  “ Have  you  come  a long  way  ? ” “ No,  only 

from  my  town.”  “ Are  you  very  rich  “ Yes,  I have  plenty 
of  wives,  slaves,  pigs,  goats,  cloth,  and  beads.  I am  so  rich 
that  I do  not  know  how  rich  I really  am.  I do  not  know  what 
to  do  with  my  wealth.  It  fills  my  bags,  boxes,  and  houses.” 
“Have  you  much  money  with  you.?”  “Yes,  my  shoulder- 


132 


FLEECING  A VISITOR 


bags  and  bundles  are  full.”  “ Give  me  some  of  it,  as  you  are 
so  rich,”  and  so  on  in  fulsome  flattery.  The  foolish  chief,  in 
the  vanity  and  pride  of  the  moment,  and  to  win  the  admiration 
of  those  present,  will  hand  over  a sum  equal  to  fifteen  or 
twenty  shillings,  or  more — a large  amount  for  these  people. 

After  this,  one  of  the  men  who  came  with  Chief  A will 
then  go  to  the  drum  and  carry  on  a similar  conversation  about 
the  chief  of  the  town,  or  some  other  chief  present  (hut  not  his 
own  chief),  and  draw  money  out  of  him.  If  the  largesse  is 
mean  and  disappoints  the  drummer,  tap,  tap  will  go  the  drum 
and  a song  on  stinginess  will  be  beaten  out  and  words  will 
be  bandied  about  from  side  to  side ; and  what  started  as  an 
innocent  dance  will  end  in  a general  row,  and  bad  blood 
will  be  engendered  for  many  a day  to  come.  But,  if  the 
gift  is  generous,  fulsome  praise  and  honeyed  flattery  will  be 
beaten  on  the  drum,  and  everybody  will  be  pleased. 

Some  time  ago  a band  of  players  and  dancers  went  from 
Vianga  to  Matadi  (both  these  towns  are  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete 
district  near  Wathen)  to  entertain  Chief  Dimbu  and  his  folk. 
The  Vianga  folk  had  an  idea  that  they  would  be  meanly  treated, 
so  they  laid  their  plans  accordingly.  They  called  a prominent 
Matadi  player,  and  arranged  with  him  to  praise  the  Vianga 
people  in  the  usual  way,  and  one  of  the  Vianga  men  would 
give  him  twenty  francs,  which  amount  he  was  to  return  in 
considei’ation  of  a percentage  of  what  the  IMatadi  chief  would 
give.  The  plan  worked  well  for  the  Vianga  players  and  their 
accomplice,  for  Chief  Dimbu,  seeing  twenty  francs  given,  felt 
compelled  to  surpass  that,  and  eventually  handed  over  thirty 
francs  to  the  Vianga  dancers.  This  was  not  the  first  time  that  a 
plot  of  this  kind  was  arranged  and  carried  to  a successful  issue. 

6.  The  Boela  is  a circular  dance  to  the  beating  of  a medium- 
sized drum.  The  cloth  worn  for  it  is  first  held  under  the 
armpits,  then  the  belt  is  tied  tightly  round  the  waist,  and  the 
upper  part  of  the  cloth  is  allowed  to  fall  in  folds.  7.  The 
Nsanga  is  danced  after  a fight  in  which  no  one  has  been  either 
killed  or  wounded.  There  is  no  formation  of  circles  or  lines, 
but  just  a crowd  of  folk  who  shout,  wave  knives,  and  fire  oft* 
guns  to  the  sounding  beat  of  a big  drum.  8.  The  Madhimha 


E- 

0-5 

o ^ 


CONUNDRUMS 


133 


is  a circular  dance  performed  to  the  playing  of  the  marimba 
only.  9.  The  Nkongo  or  hunter’s  dance  is  mentioned  under 
hunting  (on  page  182). 

10.  The  Ngom'  a nkanu,  as  its  name  indicates,  is  danced  at 
the  talking  of  big  palavers.  At  a great  palaver  the  advocates 
or  orators,  who  state  the  cases  for  their  clients,  speak  for  many 
hours,  and  to  give  them  an  occasional  rest,  and  to  revive  the 
flagging  interest  of  the  onlookers,  a drum  is  beaten  and  a 
woman  dances  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes.  Ejieta  is  the 
finishing-oft'  movement  in  a line  dance,  and  means  to  go  round 
for  a turn  or  two  in  a circle  as  a wind-up  to  the  dance.^ 

On  dark  nights  when  dancing  is  not  desii’ed,  or  on  cold, 
rainy  days  when  the  folk  wish  to  sit  around  their  fires,  they 
pass  the  time  in  asking  conundrums  of  each  other.  The  word 
for  a riddle  is  ngwala,  and  this  is  also  the  word  for  gin  ; and 
in  the  giving,  receiving,  &c.  of  a conundrum  there  is  a play  on 
the  double  meaning  of  the  word.  The  person  who  desii’es  to 
propound  a conundrum  starts  thus : 

Ngwala  yeye=\i&ve  is  gin,  i.e.  here  is  a riddle. 

Ta  e ngwala— out  the  gin,  i.e.  let  us  have  the 
riddle  (or  twasa  e ngwala^hx'mg  the  gin). 

If  the  people  asked  cannot  state  the  answer,  they  say  to 
the  propounder  of  the  riddle  : Nua  e ngwala=dv'mk.  the  gin, 
i.e.  give  us  the  answer,  for  we  cannot  guess  it. 

It  will  be  obvious  that  for  a proper  appreciation  of  the 
force  of  their  conundrums  it  is  necessary  to  have  a knowledge 
of  their  customs,  and  especially  of  their  language,  consequently 
one  cannot  give  moi’e  than  two  or  three  examples  of  such  as 
are  easily  explained.  The  phrases  in  italics  are  the  conun- 
drums and  their  answers  : 1 . You  can  open  the  basket  of  a 
water-sprite.,  hut  you  cannot  shut  it.  Answer  : Palm-nut,  when 
once  broken  it  cannot  be  mended.  2.  My  mother  made  a farm 
cmd  threw  up  two  heaps.  Answer ; Sun  and  moon.  3.  A little 
branch  but  a hundred  pigeons  feed  on  it.  Answer : Market, 

' Other  names  for  dances  are  : Ntuta,  Kinkubula,  Nkomho,  Makuta, 
Ngwinda,  Nzoko,  and  Manyanga,  but  these  are  more  or  less  modifications  of 
those  already  mentioned,  or  mere  local  names  for  dances  with  a slightly 
different  movement. 


134 


JUNGLE  STORIES 


which  is  small  in  size  but  has  a lot  of  people  on  it.  4.  They 
are  not  by  the  same  mother  but  their  names  are  aliTce.  Answer  : 
Lunguba-nguba  ( = small  wild  peanuts),  and  nguba  ( = ordinary 
cultivated  peanuts).  5.  A dead  twig  carries  that  which  has  life. 
Answer:  Wine-gatherer's  hoop,  by  which  he  walks,  or  climbs, 
up  the  palm  tree. 

Another  amusement  for  around  the  fire  is  the  telling  of 
jungle  stories  in  which  animals  speak  and  act  as  human  beings, 
and  express  the  wisdom  and  craftiness  of  the  tribe  in  word  and 
deed.  These  stories  are  told  with  much  dramatic  action,  and 
the  movements  of  the  animals  speaking  are  often  imitated. 
In  the  book  ^ already  referred  to,  the  writer  has  given  an 
account  of  the  stories,  and  examples  of  forty  of  them  ; and  as 
an  illustration  of  them  he  transcribes  one  of  them  here, 

“ I.  How  THE  Sparrow  set  the  Elephant  and  the  Crocodile 

TO  PULL  AGAINST  EACH  OTHER 

“ While  the  Elephant  was  searching  for  food  one  day  he 
happened  to  pass  near  a Sparrow’s  nest,  and  accidentally  knock- 
ing against  the  branch,  he  nearly  threw  the  eggs  to  the  ground. 
The  Sparrow  thereupon  said  to  the  Elephant : 

‘“You  walk  very  proudly,  and  not  looking  where  you  are 
going  ; you  nearly  upset  my  nest.  If  you  come  this  w'ay  again 
I will  tie  you  up.’ 

“‘Truly  you  are  a little  bird,’  the  Elephant  laughingly 
replied,  ‘ and  are  you  able  to  tie  up  me — an  Elephant  ’ 

“ ‘ Indeed,’  the  Sparrow  answered  him,  ‘ if  you  come  this 
way  to-morrow,  I will  bind  you.’ 

“ ‘ All  right,’  said  the  Elephant.  ‘ I will  now  pass  on,  and 
will  come  back  here  to-morrow  to  look  upon  the  strength  of  a 
Sparrow.’  So  the  Elephant  went  his  way,  and  the  Sparrow 
flew  off'  to  bathe  in  a neighbouring  river. 

“ On  reaching  the  river,  and  finding  a Crocodile  asleep  at 
her  favourite  bathing-place,  the  Sparrow  said : ‘ Wake  up ! 
this  is  my  bathing-place,  and  if  you  come  here  again,  I will 
tie  you  up.’ 

' Congo  Life  and  Folklore,  pp.  361-463.  John  H.  Weeks.  Religious 
Tract  Society,  1911. 


JUNGLE  STORIES  135 

“ ‘ Can  a little  Sparrow  like  you  tie  up  a Crocodile  ? ’ the 
Crocodile  asked  her. 

“ ‘ It  is  true  what  I tell  you,’  retorted  the  Sparrow,  ‘ and 
if  you  return  here  to-morrow  I will  fasten  you  up.’ 

« ‘ Very  well,’  replied  the  Crocodile,  ‘ I will  come  to- 
morrow to  see  what  you  can  do.’  And  with  that  the  Crocodile 
floated  away,  and  the  Sparrow  returned  to  her  nest. 

“ The  next  day  the  Sparrow,  seeing  the  Elephant  coming,  said 
to  him,  ‘ Yesterday  I told  you  not  to  come  this  way  again,  because 
you  endangered  my  nest.  Now  I will  tie  you  I warned  you.’ 

“ ‘ All  right,”  said  the  Elephant.  ‘ I want  to  see  what  a 
little  thing  like  yon  can  do.’ 

“ The  Sparrow  then  brought  a strong  vine  rope,  and  putting 
it  round  the  neck  of  the  Elephant,  she  said  to  him,  ‘ Wait  a 
moment  while  I go  and  have  a drink  of  water,  and  then  you 
will  see  how  strong  I am.’  To  which  the  Elephant  replied, 
‘ Go  and  drink  plenty  of  water,  for  to-day  I want  to  see  what 
a Sparrow  can  do.’  So  the  Sparrow  went  and  found  the 
Crocodile  basking  in  the  sun  on  the  river’s  bank. 

“ ‘ Oh ! you  are  here  again,’  she  said.  ‘ I will  tie  you  up 
as  I warned  you  yesterday,  because  you  do  not  listen  to  what 
you  are  told.’  ‘Very  well,’  sneered  the  Crocodile,  ‘ come  and 
tie  me  up  and  I will  see  what  strength  you  have.’ 

“ The  Sparrow  took  the  other  end  of  the  rope  and  tied 
it  round  the  Crocodile,  and  said,  ‘ Wait  a moment,  I will  go 
a little  higher  up  the  hill  and  pull.’  So  away  she  flew  up  the 
hill  on  to  a tree,  and  from  there  she  cried  out,  ‘ Pull  Elephant, 
pull  Crocodile.  It  is  I,  the  Sparrow.’  So  the  Elephant  pulled, 
and  the  Crocodile  pulled,  and  each  thought  he  was  pulling 
against  the  Sparrow ; not  knowing  they  were  pulling  against 
each  other.  All  day  long  they  pulled,  until  the  evening,  but 
neither  outpulled  the  other.  And  during  the  whole  day  the 
Sparrow  was  crying  out,  ‘ Pull,  Elephant,  you  have  the  strength  ; 
pull  harder.  Elephant.’  And  in  the  same  way  she  addressed 
the  Crocodile. 

“ At  last  the  Crocodile  said,  ‘ Friend  Sparrow,  I cannot 
pull  any  more ; come  and  unfasten  me,  and  I will  never  come 
to  your  bathing-place  again.’ 


136 


JUNGLE  STORIES 


“ ‘ Wait  a little  while,’  replied  the  Sparrow ; ‘ I am  going 
up  to  my  village.’  And  the  Elephant  said  as  she  drew 
near,  ‘ Now  I know  you  are  very  strong.  Please  come  and 
undo  me,  and  I will  never  come  again  to  shake  your  nest.’ 
So  the  Sparrow  loosened  the  Elephant,  and  then  went  and 
removed  the  rope  from  the  Crocodile’s  neck ; and  from  that 
time  the  SpaiTow  has  never  been  ti’oubled  by  either  the 
Elephant  or  the  Crocodile.” 

The  following  three  stories  have  not  been  published  before, 
and  are  illustrative  of  native  thought.  There  are  probably 
no  true  gazelles  in  Africa,  but  the  name  gazelle  is  more  sug- 
gestive of  the  small,  gentle,  timid  creature  called  by  the  natives 
nsexi  than  the  name  antelope  would  be,  hence  I have  used 
gazelle  as  a translation  of  the  word  nsexi. 

II.  The  Gazelle  punishes  the  Leopard  for  Greediness 

One  day  the  Gazelle  and  the  Leopard  went  for  a walk 
through  a forest  in  search  of  palm-grubs.  As  they  were 
passing  down  one  of  the  paths  they  saw  a fine  bunch  of 
palm-nuts,  and  the  Leopard  said,  “Friend  Gazelle,  wait  here 
while  I climb  the  tree  and  cut  down  the  nuts.” 

With  his  strong,  sharp  claws  the  Leopard  soon  mounted 
the  palm  tree  and  found  there  three  bunches  of  ripe  nuts,  but 
instead  of  cutting  them  down,  he  sat  on  a frond  and  began  to 
eat  them. 

By  and  by  the  Gazelle  shouted  out,  “ Throw  me  down 
some  of  the  nuts.”  And  to  this  request  the  Leopard  replied, 
“ When  I am  eating  palm-nuts  I cannot  hear  anything.” 

The  Gazelle  waited  a little  time,  and  then  called  out  again. 
“ Please  throw  me  some  of  the  nuts,  for  I have  hoofs  and 
cannot  climb  a tree  like  you.”  But  the  Leopard  ate  on  greedily, 
and  took  no  notice  of  his  friend’s  request. 

The  Gazelle  went  and  gathered  some  firewood  and  grass, 
and  made  a large  fire  at  the  bottom  of  the  palm  tree.  In  a 
short  time,  the  Leopard  cried  out,  “ Uncle  Gazelle,  put  out 
your  fire ; the  heat  and  smoke  are  choking  me.”  The  Gazelle, 
however,  answered  him,  .saying,  “ When  I am  warming  myself 


JUNGLE  STORIES 


137 


by  the  fire  I cannot  hear  anything  ” ; and  he  threw  some  more 
wood  and  grass  on  the  fire.  The  Leopard,  choking,  lost  his  grip 
on  the  tree,  and  fell  to  the  ground  dead.  The  Gazelle  returned 
to  the  town  and  took  possession  of  all  the  Leopard’s  goods. 

III.  n L'he  Gazelle  and  the  Leopard  go  to 
Market  together 

One  day  the  Leopard  found  a market  where  peanuts  were 
in  great  demand,  and  the  price  given  allowed  of  a large  profit. 
But  this  market  was  always  held  very  early  in  the  morning, 
and  there  was  a law  that  anyone  who  brought  charcoal  on  to 
the  market  would  be  put  to  death.  The  Leopard  returned  at 
once  to  his  town,  and  bought  up  a large  quantity  of  peanuts, 
which  he  tied  into  a load  ready  for  carrying  to  the  market. 
When  all  was  ready  he  asked  the  Antelope  (mpalanga)  to 
go  with  him,  and  upon  the  Antelope  consenting  to  do  so,  the 
Leopard  collected  a lot  of  charcoal  and  tied  it  up  in  a bundle 
to  resemble  the  load  of  peanuts. 

The  next  morning  the  Leopard  gave  the  heavy  load  of 
peanuts  to  the  Antelope,  and  carried  the  light  load  of  charcoal 
himself.  That  night  they  reached  the  town  quite  near  to  the 
market,  where  the  people  gave  them  a large  quantity  of  palm 
wine  to  drink.  The  Leopard  said,  “ Friend  Antelope,  we 
will  drink  all  the  palm  wine,  and  then  we  shall  sleep  well.” 
And  he  supplied  his  friend  with  wine,  but  took  very  little 
himself.  At  last  they  went  into  the  house  to  sleep,  and  when 
the  Leopard  saw  that  the  Antelope  was  fast  asleep,  he  changed 
the  loads,  putting  his  own  in  place  of  the  Antelope’s. 

In  the  morning  they  started  early  for  the  market,  each 
picking  up  his  load  from  the  places  they  had  put  them  over- 
night. On  reaching  the  market  the  Leopard  opened  out  his 
peanuts  and  quickly  sold  them.  While  he  was  selling  them 
the  Antelope  wanted  to  open  out  his  bundle  also,  but  the 
Leopard  stopped  him,  saying,  “ Wait  until  I have  sold  mine, 
then  sell  yours.” 

By  and  by  the  Antelope  opened  his  bundle  and  out  fell  the 
charcoal.  Directly  the  people  on  the  market  saw  the  charcoal 
they  ran  on  the  Antelope,  tied  him  up,  and  prepared  to  kill 


138 


JUNGLE  STORIES 


him.  The  Leopard  said  to  them,  “ You  will  give  me  the 
head,  for  it  belongs  to  me.”  The  head  was  cut  off  and  given  to 
the  Leopard,  who  after  eating  it  returned  to  his  town.  When 
he  arrived  there  they  asked  him,  “ Where  is  your  companion 
who  went  with  you  to  the  market  ? ” “ He  got  stealing  on  the 

market,”  replied  the  Leopard,  “ and  the  people  killed  him.” 
Each  time  the  Leopard  visited  the  market  he  returned  with- 
out his  companion,  for  he  played  the  same  trick  on  everyone, 
until  at  last  all  in  the  town  were  afraid  to  go  with  him.  One 
day  the  Leopard  went  to  the  Gazelle,  and  said  to  him,  “ Uncle 
Gazelle,  will  you  go  with  me  to  sell  peanuts  at  the  market.^” 

“ No,”  replied  the  Gazelle,  “ for  I have  plenty  of  work 
to  do.” 

The  Leopard,  however,  would  not  take  his  refusal,  but  said, 
“Please,  Uncle  Gazelle,  go  with  me,  and  we  shall  be  back  in  two 
or  three  days,  and  you  can  then  finish  your  work.”  So  the 
Gazelle  promised  to  accompany  the  Leopard  to  the  market. 

When  they  started  the  Leopard  gave  the  Gazelle  the 
bundle  of  peanuts  to  carry,  and  at  first  he  would  not  carry 
them,  but  wanted  the  other  load.  The  Leopard,  however, 
assured  him  that  his  load  was  too  heavy  for  him -to  carry,  and 
they  began  their  journey.  About  noon  they  reached  a stream, 
and  the  Gazelle  proposed  that  they  should  have  a swim.  The 
bundles  were  put  down  by  the  side  of  the  road,  and  they  went 
along  the  bank  of  the  stream,  and  found  a good  pool. 

The  Gazelle  said,  “ Uncle  Leopard,  I am  going  to  dive  into 
the  water ; you  count  and  see  how  long  I am  under  the  water.” 
“ All  right,  I will  count,”  replied  the  Leopard.  The'Gazelle 
dived,  and  then  walked  along  under  the  water  to  where  the 
bundles  were  placed,  and  undoing  the  Leopard’s  load,  he  saw 
the  charcoal  in  it;  quickly  tying  it  up  again  he  returned  to 
where  he  had  left  the  Leopard.  “ Oh  ! Oh  ! ” said  the  Leopard, 
“ you  know  how  to  dive.” 

They  reached  the  town  where  they  were  to  sleep,  and 
the  people  welcomed  them,  and  gave  them  plenty  of  palm 
wine.  “ Uncle  Gazelle,”  said  the  Leopard,  “ let  us  drink  it 
all,  and  then  we  shall  sleep  soundly.”  “ Very  well,”  replied  the 
Gazelle;  and  they  each  pretended  to  drink  deeply,  and  at 


JUNGLE  STORIES 


139 


sunset  they  ate  their  food  and  went  into  the  house  to  sleep. 
In  a very  little  time  the  Gazelle  snored  loudly,  and  the 
Leopard,  hearing  the  snores,  got  up  and  changed  the  bundles ; 
but  the  Gazelle  saw  him  out  of  his  half-shut  eyes.  He  waited 
a long  time  until  he  was  sure  the  Leopard  was  asleep,  and  then 
he  changed  the  bundles  again. 

In  the  morning  they  awoke  early  and  went  to  the  market, 
the  Leopard  thinking  all  the  time  that  the  Gazelle  had  the 
bundle  of  charcoal.  On  arriving  at  the  market  the  Gazelle 
opened  his  bundle  at  once  and  sold  all  his  peanuts.  When 
the  Leopard  saw  the  peanuts  he  commenced  to  quake  with 
fear,  and  did  not  want  to  open  his  bundle ; but  the  people 
wished  for  peanuts  so  badly  that  they  insisted  on  him  opening 
his  load,  and  selling  his  peanuts.  They  said,  “ Why  do  you 
bring  peanuts  to  market,  and  then  want  to  carry  them  away 
again  ? ” and  in  anger  they  took  the  bundle  from  him  and 
opened  it,  and  out  fell  the  charcoal.  They  jumped  on  the 
Leopard,  tied  him  up,  cut  off  his  head,  and  gave  it  to  the 
Gazelle,  who  then  returned  to  his  town,  and  told  the  people 
there  all  that  had  happened  to  him  on  the  road,  and  how  the 
Leopard  had  been  the  cause  of  many  of  their  friends  being 
killed  at  the  market  because  of  his  treacherous  trick ; and 
they  all  rejoiced  at  the  Leopard’s  death. 

IV.  The  Monkey  and  the  Leopard’s  Daughter 

There  was  once  in  the  forest  a Leopard,  whose  daughter 
was  the  most  beautiful  in  all  the  country.  She  was  a good 
hunter,  very  fleet  of  foot,  and  her  marks  were  very  bright  and 
clear.  All  the  animals  wished  to  marry  her,  but  the  old 
Leopard  wanted  to  keep  her  skill  for  himself;  he  therefore 
refused  all  offers  for  his  daughter,  until  the  animals  all  came 
to  him  and  insisted  that  he  should  set  a test,  and  let  the 
winner  marry  the  daughter. 

The  Leopard  then  divided  some  land  into  equal-sized 
patches,  and  said  that  his  daughter  should  be  the  wife  of  the 
one  who  could  eat  everything  green  in  a patch  between  the 
sunrise  and  sunset  of  one  day. 

On  the  appointed  day  all  the  animals  gathered  to  watch 


140 


JUNGLE  STORIES 


the  one  who  desired  to  try  first  for  the  beautiful  Leopard. 
The  first  to  make  the  attempt  was  a small  Antelope,  but  he 
tripped  round  the  patch,  and  ate  daintily  the  youngest  and 
tenderest  tips  only  of  the  shoots ; and  by  the  end  of  the  day 
no  one  could  see  that  any  animal  had  been  feeding  on  it. 

The  next  to  try  was  a Goat,  and  though  he  could  eat 
almost  anything,  even  he  failed  to  clear  the  patch.  Then 
came  the  wild  Pig,  and  he  ate  very  greedily  and  made  a big 
clearance  along  one  side  of  the  patch.  He  ate  and  grunted 
until  he  could  not  stand,  and  then  he  laid  down  and  ate, 
but  he  had  to  stop  before  the  patch  was  cleai-ed.  The  Elephant 
then  took  his  turn,  and  although  he  could  tear  up  the  grass  by 
the  roots,  he  also  failed  to  eat  everything  green  on  his  patch. 

The  animals  were  going  away  in  anger  from  the  old 
Leopard,  who  was  jeering  them  because  they  had  failed  to  win 
his  daughter,  when  a little  blue-faced  Monkey  sprang  forward 
and  said,  “Please,  Uncle  Leopard,  let  me  try.”  All  the 
animals  forgot  their  anger,  and  began  to  laugh  at  the  Monkey 
for  thinking  he  could  succeed  where  they  had  all  failed.  The 
Leopard,  however,  consented  to  his  having  a try  for  the  great 
prize.  “ I am  always  a thirsty  little  animal,”  said  the  Monkey, 
“ so  to-morrow  when  I am  eating  my  patch  you  will  let  me  go 
and  drink  water  .^”  He  looked  so  small,  and  it  seemed  so 
impossible  for  him  to  win,  that  they  assented  to  his  request. 

Next  morning  the  crowd  of  animals  gathered  to  see  the 
Monkey  eat ; but  during  the  night  the  Monkey  had  gone 
through  the  forest  collecting  all  his  friends  and  relatives,  and 
hiding  them  near  the  place  of  trial.  As  the  sun  rose  the 
Monkey  began  to  eat  his  patch,  and  after  a time  he  went  off  to 
the  stream  for  a drink,  and  one  of  his  friends  took  his  place  in 
the  patch.  This  continued  all  day  long — as  soon  as  one 
Monkey  was  full  he  went  to  drink  water,  and  another  took  his 
place,  and  as  the  sun  was  getting  very  near  to  the  ground  the 
Monkey  ate  the  last  blades  of  grass  and  leaves,  and  was  pro- 
claimed the  winner  of  the  beautiful  Leopard  as  his  wife.  He 
married  her  and  took  her  away  to  his  town. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE  ^ 


The  young  man  in  search  of  a wife  must  observe  certain 
customs  regulating  his  choice.  He  must  not  marry  any 
of  his  father’s  wives ; or  his  sister ; or  his  maternal 
cousins ; or  his  maternal  nieces ; or  the  children  of  his  sister ; 
or  his  wife’s  sister,  either  before  or  after  his  wife’s  death ; or 
his  mother-in-law ; or  his  niece’s  step-mother ; or  his  step- 
sister, for  by  the  marriage  of  his  father  with  his  step-sister’s 
mother  they  have  become  brother  and  sister ; or  his  own 
children.  Among  those  not  within  the  degree  of  prohibition 
are  second  cousins,  and  the  daughter  of  his  daughter,  and  the 
reason  for  the  latter  is  that  she  belongs  to  her  mother’s  family 
and  not  to  his  family.  Where  father-right  exists  the  degrees 
of  affinity  and  prohibition  are  very  similar  to  our  own ; but 
where  mother-right  is  strictly  observed,  as  on  the  Lower 
Congo,  the  degrees  of  affinity  are  closer  and  more  extensive  on 
the  mother’s  side  than  on  the  father’s.  The  maternal  relative 
he  must  not  marry,  he  is  allowed  to  marry,  if  she  is  only  a 
paternal  one.  There  is  no  hard  and  fast  rule,  but  it  is 
generally  understood  that  the  sons  and  daughters  of  one  clan 
should  marry  the  daughters  and  sons  of  one  other  clan  only, 
and  not  intermarry  with  several  different  clans.  By  thus  inter- 
marrying within  the  limits  of  one  clan  they  think  better 
treatment  is  ensured  for  the  women  of  each  clan. 

Observing  the  above  limitations,  the  young  man  who  wants 
to  marry  is  not  restricted  in  his  choice  to  the  women  of  his 
own  town  or  clan,  but  is  free  to  select  whom  he  likes.  Having 
set  his  heart  on  a certain  girl,  he  is  not  allowed  to  speak  to 
her,  or  offer  her  any  presents ; but  to  gain  her,  the  first  thing 

See  Appendix,  Note  III,  p.  306,  for  list  of  kinship  terms. 

Ill 


142 


THE  UNCLE 


he  has  to  do  is  to  take  a calabash  of  palm  wine  to  the  girl’s 
maternal  uncle  (ngudi  a nkazi),  and  mention  to  him  the  desire 
of  his  heart.  Should  the  uncle  listen  favourably  to  his  suit, 
he  thanks  the  young  man  for  the  wine,  and  drinks  it ; but  this 
does  not  pledge  him  in  any  way  to  give  him  his  niece  in 
marriage,  it  is  simply  a sign  of  goodwill.  Having  drunk  the 
wine,  the  uncle  sets  food  and  drink  before  the  young  man,  and 
without  giving  him  a decided  answer,  he  tells  him  to  return  on 
a stated  day. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  young  man,  carrying  more  palm 
wine,  revisits  the  girl’s  uncle,  who  having  drunk  the  wine  states 
whether  he  is  willing  or  not  for  him  to  marry  his  niece. 
Should  he  be  willing  he  informs  the  aspirant  to  his  niece’s 
hand  that  he  wants,  as  marriage  money,  100,  200,  or  more 
packets  of  blue  pipe  beads,  according  to  the  position  of  the 
girl’s  family  and  the  suitor’s  wealth  (in  a packet  there  are 
one  hundred  strings  of  one  hundred  beads  each,  costing  about 
two  shillings).^  This  is  a guarantee  that  the  girl  will  be  properly 
ti’eated.  The  word  to  marry  is  sompa— to  borrow,  to  hire, 
and  this  is  the  essence  of  the  contract ; the  man  borrows  or 
hires  the  woman,  and  in  return  for  the  use  of  the  woman  he 
lends,  on  his  part,  a certain  amount  of  money  to  the  woman’s 
family.  One  of  the  results  of  such  a contract  is  that  their  in- 
terests are  rarely  identical.  The  amount  demanded  as  marriage 
money  is  often  haggled  over  and  reduced ; but  she  is  a proud 
girl  for  whom  a larger  sum  than  usual  is  paid. 

The  man  now  counts  over  such  wealth  as  he  has  in  hand, 
applies  to  his  family  to  help  him,  and  sets  about  trading, 
working,  &c.  to  make  up  the  deficiency ; and  when  some 
months  later  the  uncle  is  informed  that  the  marriage  money 
is  ready,  either  in  beads  or  their  equivalent  in  goats,  pigs, 
powder,  cloth,  &c.,  he  takes  some  palm  wine  and  goes  to  the 

‘ About  1855  Nlemvo’s  father  paid  only  fifty-five  small,  oval-shaped, 
red  beads  for  his  wife  (Nlemvo’s  mother).  Such  heads  were  then  very 
scarce  and  dear,  but  are  now  only  worth  ten  a penny.  In  1883  a woman 
cost  about  thirty  pieces  of  cloth,  worth  2s.  6d.  invoice  price,  and  6».  at 
San  Salvador. 


Lent  by  Rev.J.  L.  For/eiti 

Locust  Eatint;  a Mouse 

The  locusts  had  swept  the  district  of  Ngangila  clean  of  vegetation,  and  then  becoming  hungry 
they  starred  on  insects,  etc.,  and  this  locust  was  found  with  a mouse  in  its  mandibles.  I'he  original 
is  in  the  Hritish  Museum. 


THE  MARRIAGE  MONEY 


143 


young  man’s  town  to  count  the  marriage  money.  This  is  not 
done  without  much  chaffering  about  the  value  in  beads  of  the 
goats,  pigs,  &c.,  but  being  satisfactorily  accomplished  a day  is 
fixed  for  introducing  the  girl’s  father  to  his  future  son-in-law ; 
and  on  that  occasion  both  the  uncle  and  the  father  take  cala- 
bashes of  palm  wine  to  the  suitor,  who,  calling  his  friends  as 
witnesses,  they  all  drink  first  the  uncle’s  wine,  and  then  the 
father’s,  after  which  the  marriage  money  is  paid,  and  the 
father,  receiving  his  small  portion,  drops  entirely  out  of  all 
subsequent  proceedings.  So  far  as  the  uncle,  the  father,  and 
the  intending  bridegroom  are  concerned  the  marriage  arrange- 
ments are  completed ; but  they  cannot  be  consummated  until 
the  mother  gives  her  consent.  If  the  mother  thinks  that  the 
girl  is  not  old  enough,  i.e.  that  her  daughter’s  breasts  are  not 
properly  formed,  she  withholds  her  permission.  The  girl  may 
cook  and  take  food  to  her  intended  husband,  but  if  he  commits 
fornication  with  her,  without  the  consent  of  her  family,  he 
forfeits  all  the  money  he  has  paid  on  her  account,  and  no  chief 
will  take  his  side  to  justify  or  help  him.  The  people  use  a 
proverb  respecting  this  kind  of  fornication : “ The  sugar- 
canes  are  rotten  at  the  roots,”  ix.  the  man  is  bad  at  heart. 

The  man  seeking  to  marry  soon,  finds  it  wise  to  conciliate 
the  girl’s  mother,  and  gain  her  consent  with  small  presents, 
and  much  show  of  respectful  deference ; otherwise,  although  he 
will  eventually  receive  the  girl  for  whom  he  has  paid  the 
marriage  money,  he  will  have  in  his  mother-in-law  a termagant 
whose  spiteful  tongue  will  quickly  destroy  his  domestic  peace, 
for  by  her  constant  nagging  she  will  set  her  daughter  against 
him.  While  investigating  domestic  quarrels  I have  again  and 
again  traced  them  to  the  mother-in-law,  and  then  by  further 
inquiry  it  has  come  to  light  that  the  primary  cause  was  that 
the  man  was  disrespectful  to  his  future  mother-in-law,  and  had 
not  recognised  her  by  small,  dutiful  gifts. 

A woman  is  not  permitted  to  break  her  engagement  of 
marriage  with  a man.  Should  she,  after  betrothal,  exhibit  a 
strong  desire  to  resist  the  wishes  of  her  family,  they  will  tie 
her  up  and  send  her  bound  to  her  husband.  If,  however,  she 


144  THE  FIANCEE 

wins  them  over,  they  can  break  off  the  engagement  by  return- 
ing the  marriage  money,  and  by  paying  one  or  two  pigs  as  a 
fine.  Should  the  man  desire  to  break  off  negotiations,  he  must 
forfeit  what  he  has  paid  on  account,  and  also  pay  a fine  of  a 
pig  or  goat,  according  to  his  circumstances,  to  the  chief  of  the 
girl’s  town.  In  the  San  Salvador  district  there  were  two  girls 
who  were  betrothed  to  be  married  to  two  men  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. When  the  giiTs  mother  was  dying  she  called  her 
son,  their  brother,  and  told  him  that  if  ever  he  left  the  district 
he  was  to  take  his  sisters  with  him.  By  and  by  he  wanted  to 
live  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district,  about  five  day’s  journey 
from  his  home,  so  he  called  the  two  men  and  offered  to  return 
the  marriage  money  they  had  paid,  but  as  they  refused  to  ac- 
cept it  he  had  to  obtain  two  other  women  and  give  them  to 
the  men  as  substitutes  for  his  sisters,  and  with  each  woman  he 
gave  a pig,  which  was  called  “ changing  the  name.” 

Just  before  marriage  the  man  will  ask  his  fiancee  how 
many  men  she  has  been  with  since  her  betrothal.  The  number 
of  men  before  her  engagement  does  not  count.  She  may  deny 
that  she  has  slept  with  any,  but  no  one  will  believe  her,  and, 
if  she  persists  in  the  denial,  he  will  threaten  to  test  her  by  the 
“ ordeal  of  the  bracelet  ” (see  page  264).  She  will  then  confess 
that  she  has  been,  say,  with  five  men.  The  man,  thereupon, 
goes  to  the  girl’s  family  and  complains  that  they  have  not 
looked  properly  after  her,  for  their  daughter  confesses  that  she 
has  slept  with  five  different  men,  whose  names  are  So-and-so. 
The  family  calls  these  men,  and  if  they  acknowledge  the  truth- 
fulness of  the  girl’s  statement  they  are  mulct  in  a fine  ranging 
from  five  to  twenty-five  shillings  in  beads  or  their  equivalent. 
If  they  repudiate  the  charge  as  false  they  are  compelled,  by 
public  opinion,  to  drink  the  “ nkasa  ” ordeal,  and  thus  prove 
their  innocence.  In  charges  of  this  kind  a woman’s  word  is 
always  taken  before  a man’s ; and  there  is  no  redress  for  the 
man  under  such  an  accusation  except  to  take  the  ordeal,  and  if 
it  pi'oves  him  guiltless,  he  can  claim  heavy  compensation  from 
his  accusers. 

Among  fairly  well-to-do  and  rich  families  there  is  genei*ally 


THE  WEDDING  FEAST 


145 


a pretence  of  taking  the  wife  by  force.  When  all  is  settled  the 
bridegroom  goes  on  the  appointed  day  with  a few  of  his  male 
friends  to  the  bride’s  town ; and  as  they  draw  near  they  fire 
guns,  shout,  and  make  as  great  a noise  as  possible.  This  is  an 
indication  of  the  bridegroom’s  importance,  and  a method  of 
honouring  the  bride.  On  arrival  at  the  girl’s  house  there  is 
a sham  struggle,  and  at  last  the  girl  is  carried  off  kicking, 
screaming,  and  protesting.  This  is  what  is  called  carrying,  or 
lifting  the  woman  {nata  nkento).  On  reaching  his  own  town, 
the  bridegroom  tells  the  young  men  to  fetch  the  drums  and 
plenty  of  palm  wine.  The  festivities  last  from  two  days  to  a 
week,  according  to  the  wealth  of  the  bridegroom  ; great  crowds 
gather,  much  wine  is  drunk,  many  goats  and  pigs  are  killed  and 
eaten,  and  there  is  a frequent  firing  of  guns.  The  bride  goes 
without  food  on  the  day  before  her  marriage ; and  the  new  wife 
must  not  eat  in  the  presence  of  her  husband  for  three  or  four 
months ; and  even  after  this  time  has  passed  a woman  rarely 
eats  before  her  husband,  but  takes  her  food  round  the  corner 
out  of  sight  of  the  male  members  of  her  family,  and  eats  it 
either  by  herself,  or  with  the  other  women  and  girls,  and  the 
male  children  that  are  not  old  enough  to  eat  with  the  men. 
In  fact  men  and  youths  consider  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  eat 
with  women  and  girls. 

When  the  festivities  are  over,  and  the  guests  have  gone, 
the  elders  meet  and  give  the  girl  into  jthe  hands  of  the  new 
husband,  and  they  instruct  them  both  in  the  presence  of 
witnesses.  To  the  woman,  they  say : “You  are  to  respect 
your  husband  and  his  family,  and  you  are  to  behave  properly 
in  your  house.”  Then  turning  to  the  man  they  say:  “You 

are  to  respect  your  wife  and  her  family ; you  must  not  speak 
harshly  to  her,  nor  treat  her  as  a slave,  nor  stamp  on  her 
things,  nor  tread  her  beneath  your  feet.”  And  speaking  again 
to  the  woman,  they  continue  thus:  “And  you  woman,  you 
have  never  had  thieving  or  witch-palavers  in  the  past,  continue 
without  them,  and  conduct  yourselves  properly  towards  each 
other.” 

Thereupon  the  man  goes  to  one  of  the  witnesses,  and  taking 

K 


146 


THE  CEREMONY 


him  by  the  wrist,  he  rubs  a bullet  on  the  palm  of  the  witness’s 
hand,  and  says  : “ I have  heard  all  the  words  spoken,  and  if  I 
destroy  the  marriage,  may  I die  by  this  bullet.”  The  woman 
also  takes  the  same  oath.  When  this  ceremony  is  completed 
the  elders  enter  the  house  of  the  newly-married  couple  to 
arrange  the  hearthstones,  and  to  teach  the  bride  concerning 
her  duties  as  a wife ; and  also  to  see  if  the  bridegroom  is  able 
to  consummate  the  marriage ; and  should  he  be  unable,  the 
marriage  is  broken  off  and  the  money  returned.  Sometimes, 
on  account  of  the  shame,  the  marriage  is  not  dissolved,  but  the 
husband  finds  a suitable  young  man  and  permits  him  to  have 
intercourse  with  his  wife,  and  should  there  be  a child  it  is 
treated  by  the  husband  as  his  own.  After  instructing  the  bride 
and  her  husband  the  girl’s  relatives  are  sent  ofi'  with  all  due 
respect  and  with  suitable  presents.  When  the  wife  gives  birth 
to  a child  the  father  at  once  informs  her  family.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  where  mother-right  prevails  the  whole  purpose 
of  the  marriage  arrangements  is  to  increase  the  woman’s  family, 
not  the  man’s,  and  anything  that  helps  to  the  attainment  of  this 
object  is  sanctioned,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  everything  that 
stands  in  the  way  is  used  as  a reason  for  bi’eaking  off  the  marriage. 

The  above  describes  the  ordinary  course  that  the  marriage 
negotiations  take  when  a girl  either  likes  the  man,  or,  thinking 
that  one  man  is  as  good  as  another,  treats  the  affair  with 
indifference.  A man  can  generally  tell  whether  or  not  he  is 
acceptable  to  the  woman  upon  whom  he  has  set  his  heart ; but 
should  he  have  any  doubt  on  the  matter,  or  if  he  is  desirous  of 
an  intrigue  with  a married  woman,  he  goes  to  a medicine-man 
(of  the  mbumba  order;  mbumba—secT&t,  mystery,  magic),  and 
buys  a love  philtre.  The  medicine-man  takes  a bit  of  fowl’s 
claw,  a piece  of  a certain  shrub,  a part  of  a particular  kind  of 
water  reed  that  has  a I'oot  with  a turpentine  odour  {nsaku- 
nsaku),  a piece  of  a large  Calabar-like  bean  (ngongo),  and  some 
seeds  of  a small  gourd  ; these  ingredients  he  pounds  and  mixes 
well  together,  and  puts  into  a bottle  of  palm  wine  and  hands 
to  his  client,  who  takes  the  first  opportunity  of  giving  a portion 
secretly  to  the  woman  whose  love  he  desires.  If  she  drinks  it, 


POLYGAMY 


147 


she  will  leave  all  to  follow  the  man  who  paid  for  its  prepara- 
tion. The  women  have  no  love-philtre  to  attract  the  love  of 
the  men  they  want. 

A man  may  marry  as  many  women  as  he  can  find  the 
marriage  money  for.  By  marrying  several  women  he  expects 
to  receive  some  profit  from  his  share  of  his  daughters’  marriage 
monies ; and  as  will  be  seen  below,  the  wife  is  always  worth 
another  woman,  if  she  dies,  or  the  money  paid  for  her,  and  then 
if  she  has  daughters  there  is  a share  of  their  marriage  money  ; 
so  a man  in  marrying  stands  to  gain  considerably,  and  lose 
nothing.  While  the  man  can  have  as  many  women  as  he  can 
afford,  the  woman,  however,  can  have  only  one  man;  and  if 
another  man  commits  adultery  with  her,  he  has  to  pay  a heavy 
fine  to  her  husband.  Around  San  Salvador  the  husband  keeps 
the  fine ; but  in  other  parts  the  fine  is  divided  between  the 
husband  and  his  relatives.  If  the  woman  is  sterile  the  man  can 
return  her,  and  he  receives  either  another  woman  from  her 
family,  or  his  marriage  money  is  returned.  Mutual  recrimina- 
tions on  this  subject  is  the  cause  of  much  unhappiness  among 
the  maiTied  folk  on  the  Lower  Congo ; but  on  the  Upper 
Congo,  where  father-right  is  the  rule  and  other  views  of  child- 
bearing prevail,  the  matter  is  treated  with  indifference. 

A woman  on  the  Congo  is  the  best  gilt-edged  security  in 
which  a man  can  invest  his  surplus  wealth.  Pigs,  goats,  and 
fowls  may  die,  slaves  run  away,  speculations  in  trading  expedi- 
tions may  prove  a failure,  and  thus  he  loses  his  money ; but  he 
rarely  if  ever  loses  the  money  he  has  invested  in  a wife. 
Should  she  die  he  takes  a calabash  of  palm  wine  and  going  to 
her  family,  %.e.  to  her  maternal  uncle’s  family,  he  informs  them 
of  the  death,  and  demands  another  wife  in  the  place  of  the 
deceased.  If  the  family  has  not  another  woman  free  for  this 
purpose  then  the  marriage  money  must  be  returned  in  full ; 
but  in  making  up  the  sum  the  woman’s  father  does  not  return 
the  share  he  received,  and  the  amount  is  collected  without  his 
help.  Arising  out  of  this  custom  is  a proverb  running  thus 
“ The  father  ‘ eats  ’ the  money,  but  the  uncle  pays  it,”  i.e.  One 
has  the  pleasure,  but  another  bears  the  trouble. 


148 


A LOAN 


Should,  however,  the  husband  die  first,  his  family  takes  the 
woman  and  she  becomes  the  wife  of  one  of  his  brothers  ; if  she 
afterwards  dies  the  one  who  has  her  for  wife  goes  with  a calabash 
of  palm  wine  to  her  maternal  uncle,  and  asks  for  another  wife, 
or  failing  that  the  marriage  money,  paid  by  the  deceased 
brother,  must  be  returned  in  full.  This  woman,  or  her 
marriage  money,  is  the  inheritance  he  has  received  from  his 
dead  brother.  A second  woman  can  be  demanded  on  the  death 
of  the  first,  and  a third  woman  on  the  death  of  the  second,  but 
after  the  third  woman  dies  all  further  claims  die  wdth  her. 
Of  course,  if  the  money  is  returned  in  full  on  the  death  of  the 
first  wife,  the  contract  is  finished.  The  reason  for  these 
demands  is  that  the  children  of  the  wife  do  not  belong  to  the 
husband,  but  to  the  wife’s  family,  and  he  has  been  breeding 
children  to  increase  another  family  than  his  own.  He  has 
lent  his  money  simply  as  a guarantee  of  good  treatment  of  the 
woman  loaned  to  him,  and  from  her  death  it  is  apparent  that 
she  was  not  a sound  article,  therefore  she  must  be  replaced,  or 
the  goods  lent  on  her  returned  in  full.  If  afterwards  it  is  proved 
that  she  died  by  witchcraft,  that  is  not  his  affair ; she  and  her 
family  should  have  protected  her  properly  by  charms,  and  the 
employment  of  an  efficient  witch-doctor.  A husband  is  not 
responsible  for  keeping  his  wife  in  good  health  ; he  neither  pays 
for  her  charms,  her  medicines,  or  her  “doctor’s”  bill.  She 
does  not  belong  to  him,  but  is  only  loaned  to  rear  children 
for  her  family.  This  aspect  of  the  marital  relationship  is 
apparent  from  the  following  custom : When  a woman  be- 
comes emeinte  her  family  forbids  all  further  intercourse  with 
her  until  she  has  weaned  the  child — a period  of  three  or  four 
years — and  then  they  take  a calabash  of  wine  to  the  husband, 
and  renew  their  permission.  They  believe  that  intercourse 
during  this  period  will  harm  the  child,  and  dry  up  the  supply 
of  milk,  so  that  the  baby  will  die  from  lack  of  proper  nourish- 
ment. 

When  a slave  woman,  whose  owner  belongs  to  one  clan,  is 
married  into  another  clan,  she  and  her  children  do  not  belong 
to  the  latter  clan,  for,  it  is  said,  “ The  clan  name  is  not  sold 


SLAVE  WOMEN 


149 


with  the  fee  paid  for  the  woman.”  At  any  time  the  children 
can  return  to  their  mother’s  owner’s  clan,  and  take  up  their 
privileges  of  clanship.  Such  childi-en  are  called  ana  akwa 
Kinlaza  {Kinlaza  being  the  name  of  the  clan) ; but  children  born 
of  a free  woman  of  the  Kinlaza  clan  are  known  as  esi  Kinlaza. 
Just  as  a free  woman’s  children  belong  to  her  brother,  so  a 
slave  woman’s  offspring — when  she  is  married  and  not  sold — 
belongs  to  her  master,  who  occupies  in  regard  to  her  the  same 
position  as  a brother  to  a free  woman. 

A suckling  baby  is  not  charged  for  when  its  slave  mother 
is  sold.  If  the  price  of  a slave  woman  is  70^.  and  she  has  a 
babe  at  her  breast  no  extra  money  is  given  for  her.  “ You 
cannot  buy  a woman’s  milk  ” is  the  reason  given  for  not  paying 
any  extra  price.  When  the  child  is  old  enough,  it  may  return 
to  its  father  if  it  likes,  but  the  father  has  no  claim  upon  the 
child.  The  same  rule  is  observed  in  the  selling  of  sheep,  pigs, 
and  goats  with  suckling  young ; no  extra  sum  is  charged,  but 
a man  having  such  for  sale  would  wait  until  the  young  one  was 
old  enough  to  leave  its  mother.  The  child  of  a slave  mother, 
even  by  a free  father,  is  a slave,  and  goes  with  the  property ; 
but  the  offspring  of  a free  woman  by  a slave  father  is  free,  and 
shares  any  property,  because  the  family  is  counted  through  the 
mother. 

Is  there  much,  or  any,  happiness  in  these  polygamous 
marriages?  I have  watched  them  closely  for  many  years,  I 
have  frequently  in  my  capacity  of  impartial  adviser  had  to 
listen  to  the  stories  of  their  domestic  discords,  and  recurring 
quarrels,  and  for  one  really  happy  union  there  are  ninety-nine 
unhappy  ones.  There  is  in  many  cases  a passion  for  a time, 
but  it  quickly  burns  out,  and  then  the  man  and  woman  are 
fortunate  if  they  can  tolerate  each  other,  and  cross  one  another’s 
path  in  the  family  round  without  constant  bickering  and 
nagging.  When  one  or  the  other  is  meek  and  submissive  the 
union  remains  in  force  until  death  severs  the  bonds ; but  when 
both  the  man  and  the  woman  are  strong-willed  and  obstinate 
the  tolerant  spirit  disappears,  and  a snarling,  cat-and-dog  life 
is  the  result.  Where  the  woman’s  family  has  money  to  spare 


150 


UNHAPPY  MARRIAGES 


they  step  in,  and  paying  back  the  marriage  money  with  an 
extra  sum  as  interest,  they  release  the  woman  from  her  miser- 
able position.  As  a rule,  in  these  marriages,  there  is  no  affec- 
tion to  begin  with,  and  generally  a lack  of  that  mutual  respect 
that  might  help  them  to  bear  with  one  another,  hence  in  ninety- 
nine  of  these  marriages  out  of  a hundred  there  is  an  absence  of 
all  that  we  understand  by  domestic  felicity.  They  are  ignorant 
of  anything  better,  and  the  majority  of  the  women  and  the 
men  stolidly  accept  things  as  they  are  concerning  their  marital 
relationship.  The  Christian  Church,  however,  has  introduced 
monogamy  as  a rule  of  membership,  and  this  has  opened  up  a 
new  vista  to  the  Congo  women ; and  as  they  have  looked 
upon  the  life  of  these  monogamous  homes,  there  has  been  re- 
vealed to  them  the  vision  of  a happier  home  life,  and  a 
pleasanter  marital  relationship. 

In  a former  work,^  I fully  discuss  the  relation  of  polygamy 
to  morality  and  child-bearing,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  repeat 
here  about  the  Lower  Congo  people  what  I there  stated  while 
writing  of  the  Upper  Congo,  for  I then  had  the  people  as  a 
whole  in  mind ; but  since  writing  that  work,  I have  come 
across  Junod’s  book,^  and  I find  from  his  careful  and  extensive 
study  of  polygamy  among  the  Thonga  tribe  he  fully  confirms 
my  view  that  polygamy  does  not  tend  to  morality,  nor  does  it 
make  for  large  families. 

* See  Among  Congo  Cannibals,  p.  134  et  seq.,  published  by  Seeley, 
Service  & Co.,  for  a full  discussion  of  this  question. 

^ Life  of  a South  African  Tribe,  p.  273,  by  Henri  A.  Junod. 


I 


CHAPTER  XIV 

SALUTATIONS,  BLESSINGS,  AND  CURSES 

The  Congo  people  are  very  punctilious  in  their  greetings 
of  each  other,  and  any  carelessness  either  in  saluting  or 
responding  is  considered  rude  and  discourteous  in  the 
extreme,  and  is  consequently  resented.  To  greet  is  monana  — 
to  see  one  another,  or  Tcayisa=io  welcome. 

On  meeting  the  question  is  asked,  “ Have  you  slept  ? ” 
{plele  kwaku  e and  the  answer  is,  “ I have  slept”  (ndele 
kwame) ; or,  “ Have  you  eaten  ? ” (odidi  kwaku  e f),  and  the 
suitable  answer  is,  “ I have  eaten  ” {ndidi  kwame).  The  tone 
and  emphasis  put  on  the  interrogative  particle  e indicates  the 
amount  of  goodwill  and  friendliness  existing  between  the 
persons  thus  greeting.  Sometimes  the  equivalent  of  “ good  ” 
(kwambote)  is  introduced  into  both  the  question  and  answer, 
but  it  scarcely  takes  the  place  of  the  amount  of  feeling  that 
can  be  put  into  the  e of  interrogation.  Occasionally  as  a greet- 
ing, especially  to  white  folk,  a mongrel  “Good  morning”  is 
heard  expressed  thus,  “ Morning  good  ” (mene  mene  ambote) ; 
but  it  is  not  so  natural  and  pleasing  as  the  proper  native  greet- 
ings, and  is  not  encouraged  by  those  who  desire  to  maintain 
all  that  is  best  in  native  customs  and  ways. 

On  parting,  those  leaving  say,  “ Abide  well  ” {sola  kiabiza), 
and  those  staying  behind  respond,  “ Go  well  ” (wenda  kiabiza) ; 
but  women  on  bidding  adieu  to  men  and  to  women  use  in  the 
place  of  kiabiza  a word  (miangana)  that  means  prettiness,  smart- 
ness, niceness.  Hence  their  way  of  saying  “ Abide  well,”  and 
“ Go  well  ” is  sala  miangana,  and  nda  miangana.  Those  who 
are  leaving  the  village  for  a journey,  or  returning  to  their 
homes  in  another  village,  go  round  to  their  friends  and  ac- 
quaintances to  bid  them  farewell  (kanina),  and  those  whose 

151 


152 


SALUTATIONS 


friends  are  leaving  “ send  them  straight  ” (xindiJca),  and  if 
they  are  desirous  of  showing  special  courtesy  to  the  departing 
ones  they  escort  them  on  the  road  {Jila  mu  njila).  If  it  is 
evening,  the  farewell  phrase  is,  “ Remain,  and  sleep  well  ” {sala^ 
leha  Jciabiza),  and  the  response  is,  “ Go,  and  sleep  well  ” (wenda, 
leka  kiabiza).  To  sleep  well  is  regarded  as  a sign  of  good 
health,  and  to  eat  is  also  an  indication  of  the  same. 

Men  on  returning  from  a journey,  or  on  a visit  to  the  town, 
are  greeted  with  “ We  welcome  you”  (tukayisi),  or  “ We  bless 
you”  (tusambwidi),  and  the  reply  is  a very  respectful,  “Yes, 
sir  ” (ingeta,  or  inga).  Sometimes  the  greeting  will  be,  “ We  see 
each  other  ” {tumonana),  when  each  person  will  clap  three  times. 
No  answer  is  given  to  a greeting  that  is  considered  to  be  im- 
pertinent. When  strangers  or  young  friends  pass  one  another 
on  the  road  a jocular  greeting  is  given,  which  is  equal  to 
“ Divide  up,  give  something”  (nukayd),  and  is  a joking  way  of 
saying,  “ Stand  and  deliver.”  To  this  there  are  several  answers, 
such  as,  “ I have  nothing  in  my  bag  or  I would  give  it  to  you  ” ; 
or,  “ If  you  eat  an  antelope  save  me  the  skin.”  To  a jocular 
use  of  “ We  bless  you”  (tusambwidi)  the  equally  joking  answer 
is  given,  “ I am  on  the  tip  of  a palm  frond”;  and  a laughing 
reply  to  a woman’s  greeting  of,  “ We  wish  you  prettiness  ” 
(tumiangana)  is,  “ I have  not  anointed  myself  with  palm  oil, 
or  I might  look  pretty.” 

When  an  ordinary  man  goes  into  the  presence  of  the  King 
of  Kongo,  he  kneels  on  the  ground  at  three  points,  at  the  en- 
trance to  the  courtyard,  at  the  door  of  the  “ palace,”  and  im- 
mediately in  front  of  the  King  inside  the  house.  The  King 
can  see  each  of  the  former  positions  from  his  seat  in  the  palace. 
At  the  last  place  the  man  claps  (sakila  nkoji)  four  times.  The 
first  clap  (bimba  mbimbu)  is  to  call  attention  to  himself  and 
to  the  fact  that  he  is  about  to  render  homage  (kunda)  to  his 
majesty.  He  then  puts  the  palms  of  his  hands  together,  rubs 
his  two  little  fingers  on  the  ground  (xika  o ntoto),  and  with 
them  makes  a dirt  mark  (sono)  on  his  forehead,  temples,  nose  or 
lips,  and  claps  his  hands  three  times ; this  ceremony  he  repeats 
three  times.  And  to  each  series  of  three  claps  the  King  re- 


AT  COURT 


153 


spends  by  laying  his  right  hand  across  the  palm  of  his  left, 
palm  to  palm,  so  that  the  four  fingers  of  the  right  hand  are  well 
above  the  side  of  the  left  hand,  and  those  four  fingers  he  waves 
to  and  fro.  This  indicates  the  acceptance  of  the  homage 
{tambula  e hensawu)  by  the  King ; but  if  the  man  has  displeased 
him  in  some  small  way,  or  is  a mere  nohody,  the  King  will 
simply  extend  one  hand  and  wave  the  fingers  in  a careless,  in- 
different fashion.  The  man,  receiving  such  disrespectful  notice 
of  his  homage,  will  carefully  review  his  actions  to  find  out 
wherein  he  has  offended  his  majesty,  and  he  will  perhaps  re- 
member that  he  made  certain  profits  on  a trading  journey,  or  a 
business  transaction,  and  had  forgotten  to  send  the  King  a share 
— the  matter  is  quickly  and  wisely  remedied.  Should  the  King 
for  some  big  reason  resent  the  homage  being  paid  to  him,  he 
will  thrust  out  his  foot  and  move  his  toes  as  a sign  of  his  anger, 
and  for  the  man  who  sees  the  King’s  toes  move  instead  of  his 
fingers,  the  sooner  he  removes  himself  out  of  the  King’s  pre- 
sence, and  the  greater  distance  he  goes,  the  better  it  will  be  for 
his  health,  unless  he  is  able  to  send  an  exceedingly  large  present 
to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  King.^ 

Slaves  and  very  common  people  will  go  through  the  form 
of  paying  homage  at  each  of  the  three  places  at  which  they 
kneel  as  they  approach  the  King ; and  even  an  ordinary  man 
will  do  it,  if  he  thinks  that  by  this  extra  show  of  servility  he 
can  ingratiate  himself  with  the  King.  Chiefs  and  nobles  will 
sometimes  make  a perfunctory  show  of  paying  homage  by  a 
kind  of  bow  as  they  approach  him,  and  then  sitting  down  in 
front  of  him  and  rubbing  their  fingers  in  the  dirt  and  clapping. 
His  near  relatives  will  sit  down  and  simply  clap.  His  wives 
according  to  their  position,  and  the  degree  in  which  they  are 
in  his  favour,  will  be  more  or  less  ceremonious  in  the  observance 
of  the  rites  of  homage. 

When  an  ordinary  man  salutes  a chief,  he  performs  the 
above  ceremony  twice  only,  and  the  chief  answers  twice  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  King.  To  a high  noble,  who  is  not  the 

' This  method  of  paying  homage  to  the  King  is  mentioned  very  briefly 
in  the  chapter  on  Court  Etiquette  and  Native  Functionaries.” 


154 


COMMON  SALUTATIONS 


chief  of  a village  or  town,  the  ceremony  is  observed  once  only. 
Near  relatives  of  the  King  may  sit  on  seats,  chairs,  &c.,  in  his 
presence,  but  all  others  must  sit  on  the  ground  : mats  or  skins 
are  allowed,  but  nothing  that  will  raise  them  above  the  earth. 
Thirty  years  ago  the  King  would  not  permit  a man  to  own  a 
European  chair  for  use  in  his  own  house  in  the  town  ; a man 
who  exchanged  a goat  for  one  with  a trader  he  threatened  to 
accuse  of  witchcraft  unless  he  got  rid  of  the  chair,  which  he 
accordingly  did. 

When  equals  and  relatives  meet,  they  clap  once  only  to 
each  other,  slightly  stooping  as  they  do  so.  It  should  be 
stated  that  a native  clap  is  different  from  our  clapping — they 
slightly  arch  the  hands  and  bring  them  together  across  each 
other  so  that  the  top  of  the  right  thumb  is  at  the  base  of  the 
left  thumb,  the  concussion  of  the  air  thus  enclosed  giving  a 
different  sound  to  our  smacking  when  we  clap  our  hands. 
Strangers  meeting  simply  clap  hands  to  each  other;  and  I 
have  seen  the  following  salutation  between  acquaintances : the 
men  met  and  deliberately  sat  down,  they  clapped  to  each  other, 
crossed  their  hands  so  that  the  right  and  left  hands  of  each 
took  the  right  and  left  hands  of  the  other,  they  raised^  their 
hands  and  dropped  them  loosely.  This  clapping  and  touching 
of  hands  they  solemnly  repeated  three  times,  and  then  began 
to  talk. 

On  saying  good-bye  to  each  other,  they  pretend  to  spit  on 
the  forehead  and  hands  of  the  departing  one,  and  on  some 
grass,  which  after  being  spat  upon,  they  stick  in  the  hair  of 
the  beloved  one  leaving  them.  The  former  is  to  bring  good 
luck,  and  the  grass  is  to  keep  away  evil  spirits. 

There  are  two  kinds  of  spitting:  1.  Taulwila  nsamhu  is  to 
spit  a blessing,  or  to  express  f£  blessing  by  pretending  to  spit 
on  the  beloved  one,  as  a parent  on  a child,  &c.  When  this  is 
done  the  one  who  blesses  says,  “ May  you  possess  all  that  a 
person  should  have,  may  you  have  blessings  and  good  luck,  and 
may  your  words  find  favour  with  the  people.”  (Ovwa  Muma 
kiavwidi  muntu^  ovwa  nsamhu  yo  malau^  wata  diamhu  ditonda 
muntu).  This  form  of  blessing  is  greatly  valued  by  children. 


BIDDING  FAREWELL 


155 


but  it  is  not  lightly  given  by  the  parent.  2.  Taulwila  mete 
is  to  expectorate  saliva  at  anyone,  and  being  equal  to  a curse 
it  is  bitterly  resented  by  the  person  spat  upon. 

When  a number  of  people  are  leaving  a town  to  build 
elsewhere,  or  to  live  in  another  village,  the  folk  remaining  wish 
them  good  health,  good  journey,  luck,  &c.,  and  finish  by 
saying,  “ Do  not  any  of  you  return  to  bewdtch  us.”  Those 
leaving  reciprocate  the  good  wishes,  and  wind  up  with  the 
remark,  “ Do  not  any  of  you  follow  us  to  bewitch  us.”  And 
when  a caravan  is  starting  on  a trading  expedition,  the  members 
of  it  say  to  those  left  in  the  town,  “ Good  health,  and  let  no 
one  follow  us  to  give  us  bad  luck  in  trading,”  and  those  left 
behind  reply,  “ Good  journey,  and  do  not  any  of  you  return  to 
bewitch  us,  or  carry  us  to  sell  to  the  white  trader.”  The  idea 
underlying  these  requests  is  that  a living  person  who  is  a 
witch  (ndoki)  can  visit  a place  by  his  evil  spirit  (nkwiya), 
and  take  a person  away  by  witchcraft.  The  spirit  {nkwiya) 
can  leave  its  possessor  for  evil  purposes  when  he  is  either  asleep 
or  awake,  and  can  travel  any  distance  to  accomplish  its  object. 
The  shell  (evuvu)  of  the  person  is  left  behind  while  his  spirit 
takes  the  journey.  The  people  in  the  town,  or  belonging  to 
the  caravan,  will  see  the  shell — the  body,  the  semblance  of  the 
man  who  is  a witch — with  them,  and  acting  like  a human 
being,  yet  his  spirit,  they  believe,  has  gone  on  its  evil  errand. 
Hence  these  requests  to  each  other  not  to  be  followed  and  be 
bewitched. 

To  curse  (^siba)  a child  or  a near  relative  who  is  very  bad, 
obstinate,  or  self-willed,  the  curser  cuts  off  a piece  of  his  own 
cloth,  wraps  some  of  his  hair  in  it,  and  burning  the  little 
bundle,  he  says,  “ You  shall  never  have  children,  or  you  shall 
never  become  rich.”  The  children  are  terribly  afraid  of  these 
curses,  and  every  cut,  accident,  illness,  or  bit  of  bad  luck  is 
placed  to  the  credit  of  the  curse.  Perhaps  after  a time  the 
boy  (or  girl)  alters  his  conduct,  and  becoming  more  amenable 
to  his  father’s  wishes,  he  expresses  a desire  to  have  the  curse 
removed.  The  father  puts  three  small  heaps  of  dust  on  each 
knee,  and  as  the  child  kneels  down  before  him,  the  father  says. 


156 


CURSES 


“ I forgive  you  ; I did  not  curse  you  in  my  heart,  but  only  with 
my  tongue,  and  now  from  this  time  have  many  and  strong 
children,  and  become  rich.”  The  lad  shakes  or  blows  off  each 
heap  of  dust  from  the  knees,  and  the  curse  is  removed.  Should 
the  father  die  before  the  lad  wishes  to  have  the  curse  removed 
he  seeks  out  a namesake  of  his  father,  with  whom  the  latter 
was  on  friendly  terms,  and  taking  a fowl  to  him,  he  asks  him  to 
remove  the  curse,  which  he  does  in  the  way  described  as  though 
he  were  the  father. 

Should  a girl  want  to  marry  a man  of  whom  her  family 
does  not  approve,  or  refuses  to  marry  one  whom  they  think 
suitable,  and  persists  in  her  opposition  to  their  wishes,  they 
put  a cur.se  on  her  (dia  e kandu—eaX  a refusal),  which  is  an 
absolute  and  final  refusal  to  agree  with  her  wishes,  and  a ban 
or  interdiction  on  her  desires ; and  such  an  one  is  called  the 
child  of  the  curse  {mwarC  a kandu).  And  here  again  every  bit 
of  misfortune  that  may  befall  she  puts  down  to  the  curse  that 
is  on  her.  Lads  who  desire  to  take  a course  in  opposition  to 
their  parent’s  wishes  are  also  banned  by  the  same  curse.  We 
have  had  boys  in  our  Wathen  school  who  have  had  two  or 
three  small  illnesses,  or  some  nasty  knocks  while  playing  at 
hockey  (such  cuts  and  wounds  were  common  to  all  the  lads 
playing),  who  have  come  to  us  and  said  that  they  were 
“ children  of  the  curse  ” as  they  had  come  to  school  against 
the  expressed  wishes  of  their  parents,  and  that  they  would  not 
be  well,  or  they  would  not  escape  the  whacks  at  hockey,  until 
they  had  returned  home,  and  gained  their  families’  consent  to 
attend  school.  The  same  super.stition  prevails  among  adults 
who  are  persisting  in  a course  opposed  either  to  their  family  or 
to  the  wishes  of  the  village  folk. 

The  most  solemn  way  of  cursing  a family,  a clan,  or  a town, 
and  of  promulgating  a law  is  that  curse  {kandu)  pronounced 
at  the  junction  of  two  roads,  and  confirmed  by  rubbing  the 
mouth  in  the  dust,  and  striking  the  knees  with  one’s  hands. 
No  one  will  risk  the  terrible  misfortune  that  will  follow  the 
breaking  of  a law  thus  proclaimed ; and  any  family,  clan,  or 
town  thus  cursed  will  tremble  until  they  either  procure  its 


A GRAVE  INSULT  157 

removal,  or  secure  the  services  of  a great  medicine-man  to 
nullify  its  effect. 

To  hit  or  kick  against  another’s  foot  in  passing,  if  in- 
tentional, is  equal  to  a curse,  and  will  cause  a bad  quarrel ; but 
if  it  is  done  accidentally  the  man  asks  for  pardon,  and  will  turn 
round  and  lightly  touch  the  foot  again,  to  undo,  or  nullify  the 
curse.  Hence  a person  in  walking  out  of  a sitting  crowd  will 
be  most  careful  to  avoid,  if  at  all  possible,  stepping  over  the 
legs  or  feet  of  others.  To  place  one’s  hand  on  the  shoulder  ot 
another  person  while  rising  is  also  resented  as  an  insult.  The 
showing  of  the  sole  of  the  foot  to  a person  is  considered  ex- 
tremely rude,  and  to  touch  another  with  the  sole  of  the  foot  is 
bitterly  resented.  For  showing  the  sole  of  the  feet  when  sitting 
before  a great  chief,  people  have  been  beaten,  enslaved,  and 
even  killed.  Visitors  who  have  been  sitting  in  a town  must 
not  brush  the  dust  and  dirt  off'  their  clothes  until  they  get 
outside  the  town,  as  such  an  action  is  regarded  as  putting  a 
curse  on  the  town.  Among  adults,  both  men  and  women, 
reviling,  abusing,  cursing  and  swearing  are  very  common — the 
women  being  especially  glib  with  their  tongues,  and  there  is  a 
wide  vocabulary  at  their  disposal.  Among  boys  and  girls  the 
most  common  curse  is,  “ Cry  for  mother,”  which  means,  “ May 
your  mother  die  and  give  you  cause  for  mourning.”  I have 
seen  small  hoys  maddened  by  the  repetition  of  such  a curse, 
and  in  their  rage  they  have  rushed  at  hoys  twice  their  size  in 
an  attempt  to  fight  them  for  uttering  such  things  about  their 
mother. 


CHAPTER  XV 


A SECRET  SOCIETY— COUNTRY-OF-THE-DEAD 

The  raison  d'etre  for  the  Congo  secret  societies  is  lost  in 
the  dim  and  distant  past.  It  may  be  that  they  were 
started  to  hold  in  check  some  tyrannical  chiefs  who 
were  oppressing  the  people,  or  to  give  mutual  protection  to 
their  members  from  the  exactions  of  an  upstart  class  of  nobles 
who  wished  to  grind  down  the  common  people,  or  to  afford 
their  members  mutual  support  against  charges  of  witchcraft 
and  the  evil  designs  of  witch-doctors,  or  to  rid  the  country  of 
witches,  who  were  regarded  as  the  cause  of  death,  disease,  and 
troubles ; or  it  may  be  they  were  organised  to  render  aid  to 
their  members  in  their  travels  about  the  country  for  trade  and 
other  purposes,  like  some  of  our  present-day  guilds  in  Europe. 
On  the  other  hand,  they  may  have  originated  from  a desire  to 
oppress  rather  than  to  resist  oppression,  from  a wish  to  extort 
money  from  non-members,  and  to  levy  illegal  tolls  on  trade 
caravans — as  the  nkimha  guild  used  to  do;  or  to  gain  an 
oppoi’tunity  to  satisfy  lustful  passions — which  opportunity  they 
certainly  had  in  the  ndenibo  society. 

There  was  cohesion  amongst  the  members  of  the  various 
branches  of  a society;  but  not  between  the  members  of  the 
different  societies.  Membership  in  one  guild  gave  no  privi- 
leges in  another  guild.  The  members  of  each  society  were 
called  nganga,  or  “ the  knowing  ones.”  Sometimes  there  w'as  a 
veneer  of  mystery  spread  over  their  actions,  their  languages, 
and  their  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  in  some  cases  a good  deal 
of  fetish  palaver.  With  their  mysteries  I do  not  think  they 
deceived  any  but  themselves,  and,  if  the  uninitiated  natives 
accepted  their  statements  and  recognised  their  privileges,  it  was 
from  fear  and  not  from  faith.  The  spread  of  missionary 

158 


NAMES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 


159 


teaching  and  education,  and  the  opening  up  of  the  country  by 
the  influx  of  so  many  white  men,  have  given  a fatal  death-thrust 
to  these  guilds,  so  that  one  seldom  hears  of  them  now,  whereas 
twenty-five  years  ago  they  were  a fruitful  subject  of  con- 
versation. 

It  is  stated  by  some  travellers  that  the  ndembo  and 
nkimha  secret  societies  have  to  do  with  circumcision,  or 
puberty  rites ; but  after  a careful  investigation  over  a lengthy 
period,  and  many  conversations  with  members  of  those  guilds, 
I have  not  found  that  they  have  anything  to  do  with  either  of 
them. 

The  first  secret  is  known  as  either  ndembo,  or  nkita,  or 
nsi  a fwa.  Ndembo  is  probably  a derivative  of  the  verb 
lemba,  which  means  to  deliver  fx’om  the  influence  of  evil 
and  from  the  spells  of  sorcery.  It  will  be  seen  that  those  who 
enter  ndembo  do  so  to  escape  from  an  epidemic  of  sickness,  or 
to  cure  themselves  of  some  malformation,  or  disease,  or  to  have 
their  functions  restored  to  a normal  condition  that  will  enable 
them  to  give  birth  to  children.  Nkita  is  a fetish  that  is  re- 
sponsible for  all  crooked  and  deformed  things.  Any  abnormal 
event,  such  as  a child  being  born  by  presenting  its  feet  first, 
is  put  to  the  credit  of  nkita.  Nkita  is  the  power  in  the 
lodge  that  can  remove  deformities,  and  as  infecundity  is  re- 
garded as  abnormal  and  a deformity,  the  sterile  person,  man  or 
woman,  has  only  to  enter  the  ndembo  lodge  to  have  the  disgrace 
removed.  This  is  done  by  giving  the  initiated  a new  body. 
And  the  third  name  used  for  this  society  is  nsi  a fwa,  and 
means  the  country-of-the-dead,  because  those  who  were  initiated 
into  it  were  supposed  to  die,  and  remain  dead  for  a period 
varying  from  six  months  to  three  years. 

The  ndembo  guild  was  very  widespread  throughout  the 
Lower  Congo,  but  I never  met  with  it  anywhere  on  the  Upper 
River.  To  start  a branch  of  this  Society  it  was  necessary  to 
have  an  albino  (or  some  hair  of  an  albino),  who,  whether  a child, 
lad,  or  an  adult,  was  the  acknowledged  fetish  head  of  it. 
Failing  an  albino  then  the  hair  of  such  was  procured,  and  the 
part  was  supposed  to  have  the  magical  powers  of  the  whole,  or, 


160  REASONS  FOR  STARTING  A LODGE 


to  state  it,  perhaps,  more  fairly,  the  presence  of  the  albino’s 
hair  in  the  lodge  was  to  the  natives  a guarantee  that  the  magi- 
cal, curative  powers  of  the  albino  were  really  present.  The 
doctors  of  the  nTcau  order  were  at  the  head  of  the  lodges  be- 
longing to  this  secret  society. 

The  ostensible  reason  for  starting  a ndembo  society  in  a 
district  was  an  epidemic  of  sickness,  and  the  idea  was  to  go  into 
the  ndembo  lodge  to  die  and  after  an  indefinite  period  to  be 
resurrected  with  a new  body  not  liable  to  the  disease  then 
troubling  the  country  side.  A dearth  of  children  was  also 
another  cogent  reason  for  starting  a ndembo  society ; and  it  was 
believed  that  good  luck  in  having  children  would  attend  those 
who  entered  and  “died  ndembo.”  But  the  underlying  idea 
was  the  same,  Le.  to  get  a “ new  body  ” that  would  be  healthy 
and  perform  its  functions  in  a normal  manner. 

The  lodge  (vela)  was  always  located  in  a large,  dense  forest, 
and  the  entrance  to  it  was  a properly-made  gate  of  planks 
painted  yellow,  blue,  and  I’ed.  The  site  selected  was  stockaded 
with  palings  to  keep  out  intruders,  and  was  within  easy  access 
of  water.  The  uninitiated  might  walk  on  the  public  road 
across  the  forest,  but  if  they  were  found  on  the  bye-paths  or 
hunting  in  the  forest,  they  were  caught,  flogged,  and  heavily 
fined,  and  sometimes  killed.  The  uninitiated  were  not  allowed 
to  look  upon  those  who  were  said  to  “ die  ndembo,”  and  there- 
fore when  the  initiated  were  going  about  the  forest  outside  the 
lodge,  or  were  on  their  way  to  a neighbouring  stream,  a drum 
was  beaten  to  keep  the  common  folk  away,  and  to  warn  off  all 
possible  Peeping  Toms. 

When  the  lodge  was  ready  to  receive  those  who  desired 
to  enter  it,  a witch-doctor  (nganga)  gave  the  sign,  and  the 
person  to  be  initiated  fell  in  some  public  place — such  as  a 
market  or  the  centre  of  the  town — and  feigned  death,  A funeral 
cloth  was  then  spread  over  him  or  her,  and  he  was  carried 
to  the  entrance  (mpanzu)  of  the  stockade,  and  the  “ doctors  ” 
themselves  carried  the  novice  into  the  lodge  or  collection  of 
huts.  The  novice  was  then  said  to  have  “ died  ndembo.” 
When  the  novice  fell  to  the  ground  the  “doctor”  beat  the 
earth  round  the  “ dead  ” with  plantain  stalks,  chanted  incanta- 


Photo  by  Rev.  h\  Oldrieve 

The  Nsambi 

This  is  the  only  musical  instrument  allowed  in  the  “ lodge  ”oi  the 
secret  society  of  the  Country-of-the-dead,  when  the  supposed  dead 
engage  in  their  dances. 


Lent  by  A Cat’S  CrADLE  P Starr 

Prof.  Starr  colltcted  over  sixty  different  designs  in  cats’  cradles  among  the  Congo  tribes.  The 
above  is  a Lower  Congo  one  known  as  ihe  Ghosts’  beds. 


MEMBERS  SUPPOSED  TO  DIE  161 


tions,  fired  off  guns,  and  danced  about  in  a most  fantastic 
fashion.  This  undoubtedly  excited  the  emotionally  inclined 
persons  present,  and  one  after  another  would  fall  in  pretended 
death,  and  sometimes  hysteria  was  induced  that  resulted  in 
some  falling  into  a true  cataleptic  state.  Young  people  and 
adults  of  both  sexes  would  drop,  feigning  death,  to  the  number 
of  50,  60,  100,  or  more  until  the  lodge  was  full.  Those  ac- 
quainted with  the  emotional,  impressionable  nature  of  the 
negro  will  have  no  difficulty  in  recalling  similar  instances  of 
widespread  hysteria  at  so-called  revivals  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  exhibited  also  in  voodooism. 

In  the  lodge  the  inhabitants  were  supposed  to  die,  and 
their  bodies  to  decompose  until  of  each  body  only  one  bone 
remained,  and  of  those  particular  bones  the  “ doctors  ” had  to 
take  the  greatest  possible  care.  The  people  who  had  relatives 
in  the  lodge  had  to  take  a fair  quantity  of  food  every  day  or 
two  to  feed,  so  it  was  said,  the  “ doctors  ” who  turned  the 
bodies  as  they  decayed,  and  guarded  the  various  bones  after  the 
flesh  had  rotted  away.  If  the  relatives  had  neglected  to  take 
food,  but  were  members  of  a powerful  family,  i.e.  a family  able 
to  avenge  foul  play,  then  their  relative  in  the  lodge  had  a 
special  “ resurrection  ” all  to  himself,  or  herself,  and  was 
returned  to  the  town  and  specially  instructed  by  the  “ doctor  ” 
in  the  things  he  should  know,  and  the  secrecy  to  be  observed. 
If  the  neglected  one,  however,  belonged  to  a small,  weak 
family,  he  or  she  was  taken  away  and  sold  in  some  distant 
market  or  town,  and  as  a consequent  fear  of  this  possibility 
those  having  relatives  in  the  ndembo  lodge  were  very  careful 
to  contribute  a fair  share  of  food  to  the  common  stock. 

“ No  cloths  are  worn  in  the  lodge,  for  ‘ there  is  no  shame 
in  ndembo’’;  the  bodies  of  the  novices  are  rubbed  with  red 
ochre,  arnatto  red,  or  powdered  camwood.  Both  sexes  live 
together,  and  the  grossest  immoralities  are  practised  ; in  this 
respect,  however,  some  districts  are  worse  than  others,  but  the 
King  of  Kongo,  long  before  missionaries  went  to  his  town,  had 
prohibited  the  custom  in  and  around  San  Salvador,  as  too  vile 
to  be  permitted ; and  for  the  same  reason  it  is  not  allowed  in 
some  other  places. 

L 


162 


THE  SECRET  LANGUAGE 


“ In  the  lodge  an  attempt  is  made  to  teach  a secret  language. 
The  vocabulary  is  small,  and  very  feeble  in  ingenuity.  Some 
articles  are  called  by  fancy  names,  many  being  very  simple  in 
construction:  the  eye  is  called  nembweno  = ihe  lord  of  sight; 
the  ear  nengwila=^\hQ  lord  of  hearing.  Many  words  are  ob- 
scured by  adding  a prefix  ne  to  them,  with  Iwa  at  the  end  of 
the  word:  nediambulxva  — diarribu=Si.  word,  or  palaver.  A few 
fancy  verbs  are  substituted  for  the  commonest  actions,  as 
yalala  for  Tcwenda—io  go,”^  and  so  forth. 

“ Kizengi  is  the  name  for  the  language  of  the  ndembo 
society.  Where  there  is  no  special  word  the  ordinary  Congo 
word  is  preceded  by  the  syllable  ne,  and  when  it  is  desired 
further  to  hide  it  Iwa  is  added,  e.g.  he  diambu  ho  mbazi  tuhwenda, 
i.e.  ‘ all  right,  we  will  go  to-morrow,’  appears  thus  : he  nedi- 
ambulwa  ne  ho  ne  hiayi  hia  nengundu  yalala  tuhwenda  ne 
ngyalala.""^  Then  follows  a list  of  thirty  or  forty  words  and 
their  meanings.  I may  say  that  during  my  investigations  I 
have  checked  these  observations  of  Dr.  Bentley  and  found  them 
correct. 

If  a person  tried  to  run  away  from  the  lodge  he  (or  she) 
was  brought  back  and  the  escapade  was  forgiven  once ; but  if 
he  attempted  it  a second  time  he  was  taken  away  to  some  far- 
distant  town  by  night  and  sold  as  a slave.  A goatskin  was 
put  over  the  head  of  the  unfortunate  one,  so  that  he  might  not 
be  recognised  if  they  had  to  pass  a town  or  market  during  the 
day,  or  if  they  met  his  relatives  on  the  road.  The  “ doctors  ” 
gave  out  that  the  “ ghosts  ” (rnatombola)  had  taken  him  away, 
and  although  they  had  searched  the  forest  thoroughly  they 
could  not  discover  his  body.  When  a person  really  died  in 
the  lodge  his  relatives  were  also  told  that  the  “ghosts”  had 
stolen  the  person’s  body,  or  the  bone  that  repi’esented  the  body.® 

When  a woman  was  encienfe  before  entering  the  lodge,  or 

‘ Bentley,  Pioneering  on  the  Congo,  vol.  i.  p.  286  ; 1900. 

^ Bentley,  Appendix  to  the  Dictionary  and  Grammar  of  the  Congo 
Language,  1896. 

“ My  friend.  Dr.  Mercier  Gamble,  has  two  spikes  that  were  used  for 
driving  up  the  nostrils  of  those  who  tried  to  escape  from  the  lodge. 
This  was  resorted  to  when  selling  the  runaway  as  a slave  was  too  risky 
to  attempt. 


GROSS  LIFE  OF  THE  LODGE  163 


became  so  while  in  there,  and  eventually  gave  birth  to  a child, 
they  could  perceive  the  illogic  of  a “ dead  woman  ” giving 
birth  to  a baby,  so  to  remove  that  difficulty  they  said,  “ The 
child  broke  through  the  stomach  of  the  woman  directly  she 
‘ died,’  ” and  to  prove  their  assertion  they  showed  a large  scar  on 
the  woman’s  stomach.  This  scar  was  made  by  putting  some 
gunpowder  on  the  stomach  and  exploding  it.  The  burn  gave 
a large  cicatrix  which  lent  colour  to  their  story. 

The  life  lived  in  the  lodge  by  tbe  men  and  women,  and 
boys  and  girls,  was  a purely  animal  one,  in  whch  they  gave  full 
license  to  their  lowest  passions.  Obscene  dances  were  encour- 
aged by  the  “ doctors,”  and  the  sexes  were  allowed  to  mix  as 
freely  as  their  woi’st  passions  prompted.  On  account  of  the 
gross  immoralities  practised,  these  places  at  times  excited  the 
better  class  of  people  to  rise  against  them  and  clear  them  out 
of  their  districts.  I came  across  one  lodge  in  1883  about  half 
a day’s  journey  south  of  San  Salvador.  It  was  in  a dense  part 
of  the  forest,  with  a gaudily-painted  entrance  about  200  yards 
from  the  path. 

As  the  fee  for  entering  or  “dying  ndembo”  was  small, 
only  one  fowl  per  person,  and  on  leaving  100  strings  of  blue 
beads  (the  fowl  and  beads  were  worth  in  all  about  three 
shillings),  the  advantages  to  the  “doctors”  for  starting  and 
running  such  a place  are  not  at  first  apparent.  A certain 
amount  of  trouble  and  outlay  wei’e  necessary,  at  least  in 
commencing  a lodge.  A few  huts  had  to  be  built  for  the  first 
batch  of  novices,  even  if  the  later  arrivals  built  the  rest. 
There  was  the  stockade  to  erect,  and  the  planks  and  pigments 
for  the  gateway  to  be  paid  for  by  some  one.  The  “ ndembo 
doctor”  had  to  have  subordinate  “doctors”  or  assistants  to 
help  him  in  looking  after  the  initiated,  and  to  guard  them 
from  escaping,  &c.  I think  the  following  are  among  some  of 
the  possible  advantages  accruing  to  the  “ doctor,”  the  albino, 
and  the  assistants  from  instituting  a ndembo  lodge : the  folk 
took  good  supplies  of  food  to  their  relatives  who  had  “ died 
ndembo”;  and  the  “ doctor”  and  his  helpers  had  the  pick  of 
the  food  for  themselves,  as  they  were  the  only  ones  who  could 
go  where  the  food  was  deposited.  They  had  free  quarters  as 


164 


MEDICINE  MAN’S  PROFITS 


long  as  the  lodge  lasted,  which  might  be  six  months  or  three 
years.  The  surplus  food  was  sold  on  the  market,  and  they 
shared  the  money.  Any  uninitiated  persons  caught  near  the 
stockade  or  on  the  bypaths  of  the  forest  Avere  fined  heavily ; 
and  any  novices  who  repeatedly  tried  to  escape  were  sold  as 
slaves,  and  very  probably  others  who  did  not  ti-y  to  get  away 
were  sold  to  enrich  the  “ doctor”  and  his  accomplices — it  was 
so  easy  to  say  that  the  “ghosts”  had  taken  such  persons. 
Then,  again,  as  the  novices  feigned  death  very  often  on  the 
markets,  and  had  on  their  best  clothes  and  ornaments  when 
they  entered  the  lodge,  and  as  they  lived  in  nakedness  in  the 
lodge,  and  were  supplied  with  new  clothes  by  their  friends  when 
the  time  came  for  their  “ resuri'ection,”  their  clothes  and  orna- 
ments became  the  perquisites  of  the  “doctor ’’and  his  assist- 
ants. Lastly,  all  those  who  had  been  under  the  “ doctor  ” in 
the  lodge  most  probably  became  his  clients  and  called  for  his 
aid  whenever  they  were  sick,  &c.,  after  leaving  the  lodge,  and 
in  that  way  he  built  up  a profitable  business  connection. 

“ Ndembo,  under  the  spell  of  which  they  had  passed,  is 
considered  to  be  a powerful  fetish  ; twisted  roots  and  singular 
distortions  of  plant  life  are  the  symbol  of  ndembo — hunch- 
back, club-foot,  and  other  malformations,  are  attributed  to 
ndembo.  At  times  ndembo  is  spoken  of  as  being  something 
more  than  a fetish ; it  is  said  that  he  haunts  certain  woods  as 
a demon,  and  I have  been  warned  not  to  go  into  those  woods, 
lest  I too  should  suffer  at  the  hands  of  the  demon.”* 

Those  initiated  into  this  secret  society  receive  new  names, 
which  they  retain  for  life,  for  they  are  of  a very  complimentary 
character — implying  fair,  beautiful,  light-skinned,  &c.  There 
are  certain  names  peculiar  to  this  society,  and  there  are  others 
that  are  never  used.  While  living  in  the  lodge  a member  may 
not  be  accused  of  witchcraft,  nor  is  he  supposed  to  be  suscep- 
tible to  the  witchcraft  of  others.  But  when  the  members  have 
left  the  lodge  and  are  living  in  the  town,  they  are  in  the  same 
position  as  other  people  as  regards  witchcraft.  This  accords 
with  the  ordinary  practice,  that  no  absentee  from  a town  can 
be  charged  with  witchcraft. 

* Bentley,  Pioneering  on  the  Congo,  vol.  i.  p.  287. 


PROCESSION  OF  THE  INITIATED  165 


As  already  stated,  the  duration  of  a lodge  is  very  indefinite 
— from  three  or  six  months  to  two  or  three  years.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  lodge  is  started  to  counteract  an  epidemic 
of  sickness,  and  when  the  epidemic  has  passed  away  there  is 
no  longer  any  ostensible  reason  for  its  continuance,  and  there- 
fore a day  for  the  “ resurrection  ” is  fixed  by  the  “ doctor.” 
Again,  the  food  supply  may  fall  off  for  various  reasons : the 
epidemic  having  passed,  the  folk  refrain  from  taking  food  to 
the  lodge,  and  thus  they  give  a hint  to  the  “ doctor  ” to 
“ resurrect  ” their  relatives ; or  too  many  novices  may  be  taken 
by  the  “ ghosts,”  and  those  outside  stop  the  supplies  and  thus 
close  the  place;  or  the  relatives  of  the  novices  may,  after  a 
few  months,  become  weary  of  travelling  long  distances  every 
day  or  two  with  heavy  baskets  of  food  and  bunches  of  plantain, 
so  the  general  supplies  become  indifferent  and  irregular,  and  the 
“doctor”  takes  the  hint  and  appoints  the  “resurrection”  day. 

Parents  and  relatives  pay  the  fee  of  100  strings  of  beads 
each  for  those  belonging  to  them  in  the  lodge,  and  send  fine 
clothes  for  them  to  wear,  and  camwood  powder  to  redden  their 
skins  as  a sign  of  beauty.  It  is  announced  well  in  advance 
that  at  a certain  market,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  lodge,  the 
initiates,  now  called  knowing  ones,  will  appear.  The  whole 
country-side  assembles  to  witness  the  sight,  to  welcome  and 
receive  their  relatives  “ back  to  life.”  By  and  by  the  sound 
of  music  is  heard,  and  the  procession  approaches ; all  the  in- 
dividuals in  it  are  dressed  in  bright,  showy  clothes,  skins  well 
dusted  with  camwood  powder,  and  with  tassels  of  palm  fibre 
dangling  from  their  arms.  The  procession  marches  round  the 
market-place  with  stolid,  indifferent  faces.  In  the  crowd 
parents  recognise  their  children  in  the  procession,  and  boys 
and  girls  point  out  their  sisters  and  brothers,  and  excitedly 
call  out  their  names ; but  not  a face  in  the  procession  lights  up 
with  recognition,  not  a muscle  moves  to  express  delight,  for 
these  “ resui’rected  ” ones  are  not  supposed  to  know  anything 
of  their  former  life,  or  relatives  and  friends.  Any  one  showing 
feeling  or  recognition  is  liable  to  a flogging,  or  a heavy  fine,  or 
in  some  cases  even  death.  They  have  been  well  schooled  for 
this  hour,  so  the  procession  solemnly  passes  round  the  crowd. 


166  IGNORANCE  OF  THE  INITIATED 


There  may  be  in  the  throng  a mother  or  a sister,  not  seen 
perhaps  for  a year  or  more,  but  no  sign  must  be  made.  Some 
scan  the  gathering  for  faces  that  are  absent,  for  faces  that  will 
never  appear  again  on  the  market-place,  and  the  sorrow  of  death 
and  bereavement  pierces  the  heart  of  the  initiated  one  in  the 
procession,  but  no  tear  must  fall,  and  no  I’elaxation  of  the  face  be 
shown.  At  last  the  march  round  is  finished,  and  the  “ doctors  ” 
introduce  the  “ resurrected  ” ones  to  their  relatives  and  friends. 

Those  who  “ die  ndembo  ” are  supposed  not  to  know  any- 
thing, or  anybody  they  knew  previous  to  their  entrance  into 
the  lodge.  They  pretend  not  to  know  their  parents,  or  their 
brothers  and  sisters,  or  their  relatives,  friends,  and  former 
acquaintances.  Their  mother  tongue  is  new  to  them,  and 
their  town,  houses,  roads,  &c.  are  all  supposed  to  be  wiped  clean 
from  their  minds.  The  “doctors”  introduce  them  to  their 
parents,  families,  &c.,  tell  them  the  names  of  the  various  people 
about  them,  show  them  about  their  towns,  point  out  to  them 
the  various  paths — “ this  one  to  the  river  where  you  get  water, 
this  to  the  forest,  this  to  the  farm,  and  these  to  the  different 
markets,”  and  so  on ; and  they  also  teach  them  the  names  of 
the  articles  about  the  house  and  village,  and  their  uses.  A 
heavy  punishment  is  laid  upon  those  who  in  a careless,  forgetful 
moment  show  that  they  know  anything  or  anyone  not  brought 
to  their  notice  by  one  of  the  “ doctors.”  Sometimes  the  punish- 
ment is  a severe  beating,  and  at  other  times  the  fine  of  a fowl, 
or  a goat,  or  a pig  is  inflicted,  and  even  death  threatened  and, 
I believe,  it  has  been  actually  visited  upon  those  who  by  negli- 
gence divulged  the  secrets  of  the  society. 

After  leaving  the  lodge  the  initiated  are  accompanied,  for 
a time,  by  one  of  the  “ doctors.”  They  demand  gifts  of  the 
people  they  meet,  want  everything  they  see,  act  like  children 
or  lunatics,  and  try  to  seize  the  thing  they  desire,  and,  if  it 
is  refused,  will  attempt  to  beat  or  even  kill  the  person  who 
refuses  them.  If  the  “doctor”  is  with  them  he  will  stop 
them  at  once,  not  allowing  them  to  go  to  extremes,  for  he  is 
responsible  for  their  actions  while  with  them.  If,  however, 
the  “ doctor  ” is  not  with  them  the  person  attacked  may  defend 
himself  with  any  weapon  he  has  to  hand.  These  initiated  folk. 


LAWLESSNESS  OF  THE  INITIATED  167 


who  have  only  recently  left  the  lodge,  are  supposed  to  be 
children  just  “resurrected,”  not  knowing  any  better.  They 
are  irresponsible,  and  not  accountable  for  their  actions.  So 
well  do  they  play  their  part  that  food  has  to  be  masticated 
for  them,  and  they  have  to  be  fed  like  babies.  This  pretended 
irresponsibity  opens  the  door  for  many  abuses.  Two  or  three 
of  these  ndembo  folk  may  meet  an  unarmed,  uninitiated  person 
and  rob  him,  giving  a part  of  the  proceeds  of  their  robbery 
to  the  “ doctor  ” for  vanishing  at  the  convenient  moment. 
Quite  recently  I was  speaking  to  a man  who  was  thus  attacked 
near  San  Salvador  by  two  ndembo  folk,  but  he  was  able  to  beat 
them  off.  The  “ doctor  ” demanded  a fine  from  him  for  beating 
them,  but  he  refused  to  pay  it,  and  put  in  a counter-claim 
against  the  “ doctor  ” because  he  was  drinking  in  the  town 
instead  of  looking  after  his  people.  He  did  not  receive  com- 
pensation, but  neither  did  he  hear  any  more  about  the  fine. 

After  a short  time  the  excitement  of  the  “ resurrection  ” 
and  the  interest  in  the  resurrected  ones  passes  away,  and  they 
are  expected  to  know  better,  and  are  dealt  with  according  to 
the  laws  of  the  district  if  they  play  any  more  tricks. 

In  the  lodges  drum  and  horn  trumpets  ai’e  not  allowed,  for 
it  would  be  somewhat  absurd  to  play  such  instruments  to  the 
“ dead.”  But  when  the  inmates  of  the  lodges  desire  to  dance, 
a comparatively  quiet  instrument  called  nsambi  is  used.  It  is 
harp-like  in  tone,  and  is  played  with  a small  piece  of  splinter. 
The  accompanying  sketch  was  made  from  a small  one  in  my 
possession.  The  music  would  not  be  heard  very  far  in  the  forest, 
but  it  served  the  purpose  of  giving  time  to  the  dancers.  This 
musical  instrument  must  never  be  seen  by  the  uninitiated.  The 
strings  are  called  minza,  and  are  made  by  scraping  down  the 
hard  outer  bark  or  casing  of  the  palm  tree.  The  player  is  named 
nembimbi.  When  any  of  the  novices  left  the  lodge  for  fetching 
firewood,  water,  &c.  a drum  was  beaten  to  warn  the  uninitiated 
not  to  enter  the  forest,  but  the  drum  was  never  taken  inside  the 
stockade.  In  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district  the  ndembo  society 
goes  by  the  name  of  Tdmpasi,  and  in  the  Zombo  district  east  of 
San  Salvador,  there  are  many  obscene  things  done  as  the  proces- 
sion marches  round  the  market-place  on  the  “ resurrection  ” day. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


A GUILD,  BACHELOR’S  CLUB,  AND 
CIRCUMCISION 

WHEN  at  Mpalabala,  a town  near  Matadi,  in  1889  I 
had  ray  first  sight  of  the  nkimba — a secret  society  for 
males  only.  I then  saw  six  of  the  brotherhood  in 
their  queer  dress  quite  near  to  the  house  in  which  I was  stay- 
ing, and  heard  their  strange  trill  mingled  with  yells,  screams, 
and  the  rustling  of  their  grass  skirts.  On  one  occasion  I had 
to  pay  them  black  mail  for  permission  to  pass  with  my  carriers. 
This  I should  not  have  done  had  not  my  carriers  been  returning 
by  the  same  route  a few  days  later  without  me,  when  they 
would  have  had  to  face  alone  the  full  vengeance  of  the  guild, 
so  for  their  sakes  I submitted  to  be  fleeced. 

Dr.  Bentley  in  his  Pioneering  on  the  Congo,  vol.  i.  page 
282,  has  the  following  account  of  the  nkimba  guild,  which  as  it 
contains  nearly  all  the  information  I have  gathered,  I tran- 
scribe in  full.  One  or  two  other  items  of  importance  that  I 
have  gained  deal  with  a mode  of  entrance  to  the  lodge,  and  the 
“ doctor  ” who  presides  over  it.  At  the  head  of  every  lodge 
was  a “doctor”  of  the  ebaku  order,  who  superintended  the 
spinning  of  the  novices  who  wished  to  be  initiated  into  the 
nkimba  mysteries.  Ebaku  means  an  old  man,  an  elder,  and 
it  was  his  duty  to  look  after  the  novices  while  they  were  in  the 
lodge,  and  to  teach  them  the  arts  of  the  guild,  the  way  to  make 
the  peculiar  trill  of  the  guild,  and  the  secret  language.  And 
when  the  novice  was  ready  to  enter  the  lodge,  this  “ doctor  ” 
spun  him  round  and  round  until  he  became  giddy  and  fell  un- 
conscious to  the  ground,  and  in  that  state  he  was  carried|into 

the  lodge.  This  was  the  most  common  method  of  stupefying 

168 


THE  FEE  AND  DRESS 


169 


the  candidate,  and  not  by  the  administration  of  a drug,  which 
was  the  exception.  The  “ doctor  ” also  taught  his  pupils  how 
to  make  their  skirts  of  palm  frond  or  dried  grass  on  the  hoops. 

To  quote  Dr.  Bentley:  “The  nkimha  custom  appears  to 
have  been  introduced  from  the  coast  in  comparatively  recent 
times,  and  spread  up  the  Congo  for  some  two  hundred  miles, 
and  for  some  fifty  miles  south  of  it.  Its  professed  object  is 
the  suppression  of  witchcraft,  and  the  catching  of  witches.  It 
resembles  Freemasonry  in  many  respects,  and  like  its  European 
cousin,  delights  in  enshrouding  itself  in  mystery. 

“ The  initiatory  fee  is  two  dollars’  worth  of  cloth  and  two 
fowls.  This  paid,  the  novice  presents  himself  at  a ‘home’  in 
the  jungle  away  from  the  town.  He  is  given  a drug  which 
stupefies  him,  and  when  he  recovers  consciousness  he  is  in  the 
‘ home.’  He  finds  his  fellow  nkimba  wearing  a crinoline  of 
palm  frondlets,  and  their  bodies  whitened  with  pipeclay.  No 
one  is  allowed  to  speak  the  local  dialect,  a made-up  language 
of  their  own  being  spoken ; and  the  novice  who  ventures  to 
speak  anything  else  is  soundly  beaten.  The  secret  language  is 
fairly  well  developed ; many  of  the  words  are  modifications  of 
Kongo  words,  others  are  very  different.  The  grammatical 
rules  of  Kongo  are  very  closely  followed.  A nkimba  friend  at 
Stanley  Pool,  finding  that  I knew  some  words,  enabled  me  to 
complete  a list  of  about  200.  He  was  far  from  home,  so  he 
ventured  to  break  the  rule  of  the  guild ; had  it  been  known,  it 
would  have  cost  him  his  life,  for  the  secret  is  very  closely  kept. 
Five  words  and  a sentence  will  suffice  for  an  example  of  the 
character  of  the  secret  language. 


English. 

Kongo. 

Nkimba. 

A feather 

Lnsala 

Lusambtva 

To  give 

Vana 

Jana 

To  go 

Kjvenda 

Diomva 

Animal  fit  for  food 

Mbizi 

Nkubuzi 

Maize 

Masa 

Nzimvu  (perhaps  from 
«ge7rti;o  = the  beard 
of  maize). 

170  SUPPOSED  OCCUPATION 

English.  Fetch  us  some  water  to  drink. 

Kongo.  Bong'  o maza  twanua  Tcweto. 

Nkimba.  Diafila  ngoliimzca  tutefa  Icuhwefo. 

“ Only  males  are  admitted  to  the  guild.  They  live  apart 
for  a period  varying  from  six  months  to  two  years,  and  in  this 
time  they  thoroughly  learn  the  secret  language.  They  always 
wear  their  distinctive  dress  and  paint ; and  in  the  daytime 
they  wander  in  the  woods  and  jungle,  where  they  are  supposed 
to  dig  for  roots,  and  learn  the  botany  of  charms  and  spells. 
Sometimes  they  hang  about  the  main  roads  and  molest  pas- 
sengers, beating  them  with  sticks ; hence  when  their  strange 
trill  call  is  heard,  everyone  runs  away  and  hides.  They  are 
much  feared  by  the  uninitiated,  and  in  the  early  days  of  our 
transport  they  were  a trouble  to  our  carriers.  If  they  catch 
any  one,  there  must  be  no  resistance  to  robbery,  or  a severe 
beating  and  heavy  fine  will  be  the  result.  At  night  they  rush 
yelling  about  the  town  and  neighbourhood,  pretending  to 
hunt  for  witches,  and  woe  betide  the  common  native  caught 
outside  his  house.  The  simple  people  rejoice  that  there 
is  such  an  active  police  against  witches,  maladies,  and  all 
misfortunes. 

“ When  the  period  of  initiation  is  over,  the  nkimba  becomes 
a full  brother  (mbwamvu  anjata),  and  returns  to  ordinary 
life.  His  brother  nkimbas  help  him  in  trade,  travel,  and 
difficulties,  and  many  advantages  accrue  to  him.  It  is  a clique 
which  hangs  well  together;  in  this  the  guild  is  much  like 
Freemasonry.  So  far  so  good  ; but  there  is  another  side  to  it: 
it  is  a gross  imposition,  and  its  effect  is  to  bind  a man  more 
closely  to  superstition  and  heathen  custom,  any  attack  upon 
which  is  an  attack  upon  his  craft  and  guild.  It  is  a good 
thing  that  it  is  now  dying  out,  and  that  nkimbas  are  seldom 
seen  in  many  parts  where  once  they  were  common ; but  in  old 
times  the  custom  had  its  uses  in  checking  the  greed  and 
violence  of  chiefs,  and  establishing  a helpful  brotherhood  among 
a wild  and  wicked  people.  At  the  same  time,  the  guild  could 
become  a tyranny,  and  in  some  places  it  sought  to  monopolise 


Members  of  the  NKimba  Secret  Society 


MEMBERS’  POWER 


171 


trade.  The  first  opening  up  of  the  country  seemed  to  spread 
the  guild ; but  now  that  there  is  so  much  security  in  the  land, 
it  has  become  unnecessary,  and  is  fast  becoming  obsolete.  The 
nkimba  mystery  has  nothing  to  do  with  circumcision,  as  some 
have  said.” 

The  following  passage,  also  from  Bentley’s  Pioneering  on  the 
Congo,  vol.  i.  p.  451,  is  interesting  as  showing  the  widespread 
influence  of  the  nkimha  guild  when  it  was  in  full  force ; 

“ The  next  day  Messrs.  Comber  and  Hartland  went  up  to 
the  Vunda  towns  on  the  hills.  As  they  drew  near,  the  natives 
came  in  force  to  attack  them.  Comber  shouted  to  them  to 
come  and  talk.  Their  only  reply  was  ‘ Go  away  ! ’ He  told 
them  he  wanted  to  build  on  the  headland ; but  they  would  not 
hear  of  it.  ‘ Go  away  ! go  away  ! ’ was  all  that  they  would  say. 
Comber  did  not  like  to  take  ‘ No  ’ for  an  answer,  and  began  to 
walk  towards  them.  They  spread  out  and  prepared  for  a 
serious  attack.  Just  as  things  began  to  be  critical,  a man  of 
Manteke,  who  had  been  engaged  by  Comber,  ran  forward 
towards  the  people.  He  was  a nkimba,  and  uttered  the  strange 
trill  of  the  guild.  Guns  were  lowered,  and  they  gathered 
round  him,  for  more  than  half  the  warriors  were  brother 
nkimbas.  By  the  nkimba's  influence  hostilities  at  once  ceased, 
and  the  natives,  on  finding  that  the  white  men  could  talk  their 
language  and  wished  to  do  them  no  harm,  gave  permission 
for  the  building  of  the  station  on  the  site  desired  by  the 
missionaries.” 

The  nzo  a mbongi,  or  nzo  a toko,  was  a house  for  lads 
and  unmarried  men,  or  bachelor’s  club.  Boys,  on  reaching 
the  age  of  twelve,  had  to  live  in  such  a house,  whether  cir- 
cumcised or  not,  and,  if  uncircumcised,  had  to  take  the  next 
opportunity  of  submitting  to  the  rite.  The  small  boys  fagged 
for  the  big  ones,  fetching  firewood  and  water  and  keeping  the 
place  clean.  If  they  refused  to  do  this  work,  their  faces 
were  tied  up,  and  they  were  not  allowed  to  sit  near  the  fire,  or 
to  join  in  the  talk  of  the  others.  The  boys  were  permitted  to 
hold  conversation  with  their  mothers,  sisters,  and  families,  but, 
on  receiving  their  share  of  the  family  food,  they  had  to  take  it 


172 


BACHELORS’  HOUSE 


to  the  men’s  house  and  eat  it  there.  Boys  went  from  these 
houses  to  the  circumcision  lodge,  and  returned  after  the  lodge 
was  bi-oken  up  at  the  end  of  the  season.  There  was  no  special 
teaching  beyond  listening  to  the  talk  of  the  older,  unmarried 
men.  The  boys  had  not  to  reveal  what  they  saw  there.  Un- 
betrothed girls  visited  the  house  in  the  dark  by  arrangement 
with  the  young  men,  but  were  not  allowed  to  talk  about  the 
secrets  of  the  place.  Many  of  those  who  lived  in  the  house  did 
not  know  who  came  and  went  in  the  dark.  The  unbetrothed 
girls  from  an  early  age  up  to  puberty  had  free  ingress  to  these 
houses  at  night,  and  their  parents  encouraged  them  to  go,  as  it 
“ showed  they  had  proper  desires,  and  later  in  life  they  would 
bear  children.”  Thirty  years  ago  such  club-houses  were  to 
be  found  in  all  the  large  villages,  but  since  the  spread  of 
Christianity  they  have  passed  away.  Not  only  have  Christian 
parents  set  their  faces  against  the  continuance  of  these 
bachelor  clubs  as  a part  of  their  village  life ; but  heathen 
parents  also  helped  to  put  them  down,  for  they  noticed  that  as 
monogamy  displaced  polygamy  the  man  who  could  only  marry 
one  wife  desired  her  to  be  as  pure  as  he  could  obtain  her,  and 
the  girls  belonging  to  villages  where  such  club-houses  existed 
were  at  a discount  and  were  left  unsought  in  marriage. 

There  are  two  modes  of  circumcision  followed — that  in 
vogue  around  San  Salvador,  and  that  observed  by  the  people 
in  and  around  Ngombe  Lutete.  It  may  be  that  there  are 
various  other  modifications  in  other  districts.  We  will 
describe  the  San  Salvador  customs  first. 

A large  house  or  lodge  {vela)  is  built  in  the  centre  of  the 
group  of  towns  from  which  the  boys  are  to  come  upon  whom 
the  rite  is  to  be  performed.  It  is  built  by  the  men  of  the 
district  on  some  exposed  hill,  separated  from  any  one  town,  but 
not  far  from  a stream.  When  all  is  ready,  the  lads  are  received 
by  the  “ doctor,”  who  is  a recognised  member  of  the  eseka,  or 
lubwiku  order.  If  the  former  the  lodge  is  called  eseka  (prob- 
ably from  seka=to  sharpen),  and,  if  the  latter,  it  is  called 
lubwiku.  Both  establishments  may  be  running  in  the  same 
neighbourhood  simultaneously,  and  the  number  of  lads  who  go 


THE  RITE  IS  COMPULSORY  173 


to  either  place  depends  on  the  fame  and  popularity  of  the 
“ doctor  ” practising  there.  The  time  for  performing  the  rite 
is  the  cold  season — May  to  October.  The  boys  while  in  the 
lodge  are  supplied  with  food  by  their  mothers  and  relatives, 
and  the  “ doctor  ” and  his  assistants  maintain  themselves  out 
of  the  provisions  taken  to  the  lads ; thus  he  and  his  people  have 
free  quarters  for  five  months.  The  fee  paid  for  the  operation 
is  five  strings  of  blue  pipe  beads  for  each  boy,  costing  in  London 
twopence,  but  worth  about  sixpence  in  San  Salvador. 

Should  any  lads  be  unwilling  to  go,  they  are  taken  by  force 
and  carried  to  the  lodge  by  their  relatives,  but  such  force  is 
rarely  necessary,  as  most  of  the  lads  willingly  submit  themselves 
to  the  rite,  and  those  that  are  not  very  willing  to  bear  the 
pain  are  laughed  into  submission  by  the  jeers  of  their  com- 
panions. On  being  circumcised  every  boy  has  a new  name  given 
to  him,  which  they  can  retain  after  they  leave  the  lodge  if  they 
so  desire.  Some  admire  their  new  names  so  much  that  they 
keep  them,  while  others,  who  receive  what  they  consider  to  be 
ugly  names,  relinquish  them  directly  they  leave  the  lodge. 
One  boy  is  told  off  to  look  after  the  fire  and  to  take  care  that 
it  never  goes  out.  The  foreskins  are  simply  buried,  and  the 
wounds  are  washed  daily.  There  are  certain  restrictions  placed 
upon  the  lads,  for  they  are  not  allowed  to  see  their  mothers, 
sisters,  or  any  women  and  girls  during  the  months  they  are  in 
the  lodge.  The  fire  must  never  go  out,  and  there  must  not  be 
any  fights,  rows,  or  quarrels  between  them  while  in  the  lodge. 
Neither  guns  nor  knives  are  permitted  in  the  lodge,  and  all 
charms  and  fetishes  must  be  left  outside. 

Should  the  fire  go  out  the  mother  of  the  boy  who  had  the 
care  of  it  has  to  pay  a fine  of  one  fowl ; and  anyone  who  takes 
a knife,  a gun,  or  a charm  into  the  lodges  renders  his  mother 
liable  to  the  same  fine.  When  the  penalty  is  incurred,  and  is 
not  forthcoming  at  once,  the  “ doctor  ” and  the  lads  living  in 
the  lodge  go  between  11  and  12  o’clock  one  night  and  sit 
outside  the  mother’s  or  relative’s  house,  and  drum  and  sing 
until  the  fine  is  paid.  But,  if  after  four  or  five  hours  of 
drumming  and  chanting  the  fine  is  not  brought  to  the  “ doctor,” 


174 


PUNISHMENTS 


he  threatens  to  break  up  the  lodge,  and  leave  all  the  lads  on 
the  offender’s  hands,  to  attend  to  their  wounds,  &c.  This 
threat,  however,  is  always  effective. 

Should  any  of  the  boys  in  the  lodge  fight  among  themselves, 
their  punishment  is  to  sit  in  the  stream  during  the  night. 
The  “ doctor,”  the  assistants,  and  the  lads  sit  on  the  bank 
singing  and  drumming,  and  the  shivering  lads  in  the  water 
have  to  take  up  the  chorus.  Sometimes  the  quarrelsome  boys 
are  led  to  the  top  of  a bleak  hill,  and  being  stripped,  they  are 
made  to  lie  in  a nude  condition  on  the  cold,  damp  ground. 
The  nights  during  the  cold  season  are  extremely  chilly  and  the 
dews  are  very  heavy,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  some  boys 
have  died,  and  others  have  suffered  all  their  lives,  as  the  result 
of  these  stupid  punishments. 

Boys  enter  the  lodge  at  different  times  during  the  season, 
but  all  leave  together ; and  when  the  time  arrives  for  aban- 
doning it,  quite  a fair  is  held.  Parents  and  friends  come  from 
all  the  surrounding  villages,  decked  in  their  best  clothes  and 
ornaments,  to  welcome  back  their  sons  to  home  and  village  life. 
Guns  are  fired,  trumpets  blown,  and  drums  beaten,  and  singing 
and  dancing  are  well  in  evidence  on  these  festive  occasions. 

About  the  eseTca  “ doctor”  there  is  no  fetish  idea  associated 
— with  him  it  is  a simple,  surgical  operation ; but  about  the 
elongo,  kumbi,  and  luhwiku  “ doctors  ” there  is  much  fetish 
ceremony,  and  powerful  fetishes  are  supposed  to  help  them  in 
their  operations.  For  example,  when  the  luhwiku  lodge  is  burnt 
down  at  the  end  of  the  season  the  “ doctor  ” is  tied  to  the 
centre  post  of  the  house,  but  by  the  aid  of  his  strong  fetishes 
he  escapes  unhurt  from  the  burning  house.  The  only  reason  I 
have  ever  had  given  me  for  practising  this  rite,  is  that  the 
women  pi*efer  those  men  who  have  observed  it,  and  will  not 
marry  those  who  are  uncii’cumcised.  In  some  districts  a man 
who  has  not  submitted  to  this  ceremony  is  not  allow'ed  to  sit 
down  with  other  men,  hence  the  practice  is  universal  in  those 
places. 

Around  Ngombe  Lutete,  which  is  due  north  of  San  Salvador, 
the  practice  is  by  no  means  general.  The  operation  is  some- 


SECOND  METHOD  OF  OPERATING  175 


times  performed  two  or  three  weeks  after  birth,  sometimes  at 
the  age  of  ten  or  twelve,  and  in  other  cases  even  at  the  age  of 
twenty.  The  kumhi  doctor  performs  the  operation,  and  charges 
each  boy  two  brass  rods.  While  the  lad  is  undergoing  it,  he 
must  not  be  seen  by  the  women,  and  when  circumcised,  he  must 
not,  for  a certain  time,  go  into  the  kitchen  or  place  where  the 
women  do  their  cooking,  i.e.  he  must  not  associate  with  women 
and  girls.  When  the  operation  is  over,  the  boy  digs  a hole 
about  eighteen  inches  in  diameter,  and  about  the  same  in  depth. 
He  then  procures  some  large,  hard-skin  beans,  and  makes  them 
very  hot  in  the  fire ; these  are  put  into  the  hole,  and  the  boy 
lies  across  the  hole  above  the  hot  beans,  and  is  steamed  for 
some  time,  after  which  he  goes  oft' to  wash  in  a stream.  Some 
grass  stems  are  then  burnt,  and  the  ashes  rubbed  on  the  wound, 
and  he  thereupon  enters  his  house  and  waits  until  he  is  well, 
when  he  puts  on  a new  cloth  and  the  affair  is  finished. 

In  the  Zombo  country,  east  of  San  Salvador,  the  ceremonies 
and  restrictions  observed  are  very  similar  to  those  around  the 
King’s  capital  of  San  Salvador,  with  these  modifications,  that 
the  Zombo  lads  live  in  the  lodge  for  a year  or  more ; they 
observe  many  fetish  ceremonies,  and  are  not  allowed  to  speak 
to  anyone,  or  to  eat  anything  outside  the  lodge,  during  the 
whole  time ; there  is  much  dancing,  and  the  nights  are  made 
hideous  with  wild  music ; and  on  special  occasions  they  put  on 
masks  of  various  shapes,  and  go  dancing,  into  the  towns  and 
market-places,  and  ask  for  money  of  the  women,  who,  when  they 
find  the  yelling,  screaming,  grotesque  figures  gesticulating 
about  them,  are  frightened  into  satisfying  their  demands. 

I find  that  some  operation  is  also  performed  on  girls,  but 
my  informants  cannot  tell  me  what  it  is,  as  it  is  a well-pre- 
served secret  between  the  kumhi  “doctors ’’and  the  srirls.  All 

o 

they  can  tell  is  that  the  house  is  built  on  a platform,  as  the 
girls  are  not  permitted  to  touch  the  ground,  and  in  this  house 
the  girls  live,  sing,  and  dance  for  some  three  or  four  months. 
The  kumhi  “doctor”  visits  them  occasionally  to  instruct  them 
in  marital  matters ; and  they  are  attended  to  by  the  women  of 
the  village.  The  girls  think,  and  are  taught  by  their  mothers 


176 


OPERATION  ON  GIRLS 


and  the  women  generally  to  believe,  that  unless  they  undergo 
this  operation  or  ceremony  they  will  have  no  children. 

In  the  books  of  old  traveller-^,  who  have  written  on  the 
Lower  Congo,  one  often  comes  across  the  phrase  casa  de  tinta, 
or  nzo  a tinta,  i.e.  house  of  paint,  and  they  refer  to  the  vile 
customs  and  immoralities  practised  in  these  “ paint  houses,” 
It  is  probable  that  these  writei’s  refer  either  to  the  ndembo 
lodge,  the  gateway  to  which  is  very  gaudily  painted,  or  to  the 
ktcmbi  house  where  the  girls  go,  and  where  they  daub  them- 
selves with  red  camwood  powder.  Their  description  of  the 
vile  practices  pursued  in  the  “paint  house”  would  well  fit 
either  the  one  or  the  other ; but  I am  rather  inclined  to  think, 
for  several  reasons,  that  they  had  the  kumbi  house  in  their 
minds  when  they  wrote. 

Around  San  Salvador,  in  the  area  that  is  influenced  by  the 
court  of  the  King  of  Kongo,  and  throughout  which  he  exercises 
his  power  as  overlord,  it  is  very  noticeable  that  the  ceremonies 
relating  to  the  ndembo  secret  society,  and  to  the  rites  of  cir- 
cumcision, are  more  elaborate  than  in  the  districts  far  removed 
from  the  court.  It  may  be  that  in  the  old  days  the  same 
elaboration  was  to  be  found  throughout  the  whole  Kingdom  of 
Kongo  ; but  as  the  area  of  the  King’s  effective  rule  shrunk,  the 
ritual  became  more  lax,  until  now,  in  those  parts  where  the 
King  is  only  a shadow  without  substance,  and  a name  without 
force,  only  a few  shreds  of  ceremony  remain.  Or  the  reason 
for  this  ditterence  may  be  that  where  the  King,  or  some  great 
chief,  exercises  a strong  overlordship  there  is  more  cohesion 
among  the  people  and  a greater  sense  of  .security,  hence  in  the 
San  Salvador  and  Zombo  districts  it  is  possible  to  have  a joint 
lodge  with  its  restrictions,  rules,  and  ceremonies,  for  a large 
area ; whereas  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district,  where  the  ]ieople 
are  broken  up  into  very  small  groups  under  petty  chiefs,  there 
are  no  common  lodges  for  the  candidates  of  circumcision. 

In  relation  to  this  overlordship  of  the  King  of  Kongo,  it  is 
worthy  of  note  that  the  nkimha  guild  was  ineffective  in  the  San 
Salvador  districts,  for  the  King  levied  a toll  on  all  caravans 
passing  through  his  dominion,  and  in  i-eturn  he  protected  them 


MODIFICATIONS  IN  CEREMONIES  177 


from  being  fleeced  by  others  in  that  area ; hence  the  nkimba 
guild  never  gained  ground  around  San  Salvador,  but  was 
powerful  in  those  districts  where  small  chiefs  were  always 
bickering  and  fighting  each  other.  I would  suggest  that 
elaborate  ceremonies  in  primitive  secret  societies,  witchcraft 
palavers,  &c.,  are  either  the  result  of,  or  in  response  to,  an 
elaborate  court  ceremony  ; and  that  for  their  continuance  there 
must  be  a certain  amount  of  security  and  cohesion  among  the 
people.  Is  it  not  possible  that  the  fluctuations  in  the  peace 
and  cohesion  of  a tribe  have  affected  considerably  their  customs 
and  modified  the  ceremonies  with  which  they  are  observed,  and 
that  the  institutions  of  primitive  peoples  for  these  reasons  have 
not  that  permanency  with  which  they  are  often  credited 


M 


CHAPTER  XVII 

BUSH  BURNING  AND  HUNTING 

By  August,  towards  the  end  of  the  long  rainless  season, 
the  tall  jungle  grass  is  dry  and  ready  to  burn ; and  it  is 
during  this  time  of  grass  burning  that  one  form  of 
hunting  is  pursued  throughout  the  Lower  Congo.  It  is  most 
probable . that  their  method  of  combining  hunting  with  bush 
burning  accounts  for  the  comparative  scarcity  of  large  game 
throughout  this  part  of  Africa.  When  one  recalls  the  de- 
scriptions of  those  who  have  hunted  in  South  Africa,  we  are 
inclined  to  say  that  this  part  of  West  Africa  is  lacking  in 
animal  life,  yet  such  an  assertion  would  not  be  quite  accurate. 
I have  travelled  on  foot  over  2,000  miles  up  and  down  the 
Lower  Congo,  and  I have  seen  only  one  antelope,  and  the  foot- 
marks of  a few  elephants ; and  the  native  hunters  I have  known 
have  not  been  very  successful,  considering  the  amount  of  energy 
and  time  they  have  devoted  to  the  pursuit  of  game.  On  the 
other  hand,  I have  heard  occasionally  of  herds  of  elephants, 
and  rumours  of  herds  of  buffaloes  have  reached  my  ears,  and 
the  natives  have  the  names  for  bush  pigs  and  many  species  of 
antelopes;  but  notwithstanding  all  this  I should  not  recom- 
mend the  Lower  Congo  to  a keen  sportsman,  for  the  guns  of 
the  natives  and  the  periodical  bush  burning  have,  at  least, 
made  the  animals  exceedingly  shy,  if  not  scarce. 

When  the  custom  of  bush  burning  first  commenced,  will 
probably  never  be  known;  but  there  are  evidences  that  the 
annual  bush  fires  have  been  in  vogue  for  several  generations, 
for  when  I arrived  on  the  Congo  in  1882,  it  was  a thoroughly 
and  properly  organised  affair  with  its  rules  and  laws  well  recog- 
nised throughout  the  country  for  regulating  it.  The  rainy 
season  is  from  the  middle  of  October  to  the  middle  of  May — 

178 


oogd/e^q^ 


$ 


i 


Drawing  hy  Rev.  F.  Longhand 

A Hunting  Fetish  Drum 

This  drum  was  used  in  making  “ medicine  ” at  the  beginning  of  the  hunting  season,  The  body  of  the  antelope  ” is  hollow,  and  forms  the  drum. 
The  solid  stick  gives  a deep  note,  and  the  split  one  sharp  rattling  notes,  when  rubbed  along  the  back.  The  original  is  in  the  British  Museum. 


OWNERSHIP  OF  LAND 


179 


a few  days  more  or  less.  There  is  a short  dry  season  in 
January  and  the  torrential  downpours  are  in  March  and  April. 
December  is  the  hottest  month  in  the  year,  the  temperature 
often  being  105°  in  the  shade ; and  June  is  the  coldest  month 
in  the  whole  twelve,  the  thermometer  frequently  showing  65° 
in  the  shade.  During  a storm  the  temperature  sometimes  falls 
20  or  25  degrees  in  less  than  two  hours. 

The  whole  of  the  land  is  owned  by  one  or  other  of  the 
chiefs,  and  the  boundary  of  one  chiefs  property  is  the  begin- 
ning of  the  next  chiefs  estate.  Streams  are  good  lines  of 
demarcation,  and  when  these  are  absent,  or  not  convenient, 
then  gashes  are  cut  in  the  paths  to  mark  off  the  confines  of 
one  chiefs  land  from  another.  Forests  are  the  common 
property  of  those  chiefs  whose  boundaries  touch  them,  and  in 
those  forests  such  chiefs  and  their  peoples  have  rights  of  hunt- 
ing, the  gathering  of  firewood,  and  the  felling  of  timber  for 
house  building. 

Each  chief  suits  his  own  convenience  for  firing  the  grass 
belonging  to  him ; but  if  there  is  a possibility  of  his  grass 
setting  fire  to  the  bush  belonging  to  another  chief,  then  the 
natives  of  both  towns  meet  and  agree  on  a day  for  burning 
those  stretches  of  bush  land  which  are  contiguous  to  each  other. 
To  disregard  this  law  is  to  court  a war  in  which  the  offending 
party,  being  entirely  in  the  wrong,  will  lack  the  sympathy  of 
the  neighbouring  chiefs. 

When  the  time  for  grass  burning  di-aws  near  the  people 
select  a morning  when  the  vegetation  is  limp  with  heavy  dew ; 
and  they  break  and  push  down  the  grass  all  round  the  town  for 
one  or  two  hundred  yards,  taking  care  to  bend  the  grass  so  that 
the  stalks  point  outward  from  the  houses.  Another  suitable 
morning  is  chosen,  and  then  this  belt  of  broken-down  grass  is 
carefully  fired.  The  men  have  branches  to  control  and,  if 
necessary,  to  beat  out  the  flames  should  the  adjacent  unbroken 
grass  catch  fire.  This  belt  round  the  town  having  been  burnt, 
the  people  feel  that  their  homes  are  secure  from  the  onrush  of 
the  flames  when  the  time  comes  for  firins:  the  bush. 

The  grass-burning  season  is  a great  time  for  the  people 


180  METHOD  OF  GRASS  BURNING 


The  men  clean,  oil,  and  load  their  guns,  the  lads  procure 
knives,  the  boys  cut  heavy  sticks  and  borrow  spare  hoes,  and 
even  the  girls  and  women  are  all  excitement  in  anticipation  of 
the  various  species  of  rats  they  will  capture  in  their  holes.  The 
grass  is  anything  from  six  to  fifteen  feet  high,  and  many  of  the 
stalks  are  as  thick  as  one’s  fingers;  and  as  there  has  been  no 
rain  since  the  middle  of  May,  the  grass  is  withered,  and  dry, 
and  when  the  sun  has  licked  off  the  dews,  it  is  as  ready  to 
take  fire  as  tinder. 

One  morning  when  the  wind  is  blowing  from  the  town,  the 
hunters  take  their  places  along  the  sides  of  the  strip  of  bush 
to  be  burnt.  The  grass  is  fired,  and  any  animals — antelopes, 
wild  pigs,  buffaloes,  or  palm  rats — that  may  be  concealed  in  the 
tall  grass  run  helter-skelter  from  the  rushing,  crackling  flames, 
and  as  they  pass  near  the  hunters  they  are  fired  at  by  them. 
Fish-eagles,  kites,  and  hawks  circle  above  the  flames  to  pounce 
upon  any  snakes,  rats,  or  lizards  that  are  driven  from  their 
hiding-places;  and  before  the  ground  has  time  to  cool  again, 
after  the  fire  has  passed,  the  women,  girls,  and  boys  are  swarm- 
ing over  it  hunting  for  rat-holes,  so  that  they  may  dig  them 
out,  and  feast  on  these  much-prized  delicacies. 

During  the  grass-burning  season  the  air  is  filled  with  smoke ; 
you  taste  smoke,  smell  smoke,  breathe  smoke,  and  the  eyes  often 
smart  with  smoke.  The  smoke  ascends  in  great  clouds,  and 
hanging  like  a pall,  it  hides  the  sun  for  days,  and  gives  the  sky 
a dull,  monotonous  appearance  that  wearies  and  irritates  you. 
Sometimes  for  two  or  three  days  there  is  no  wind  to  stir  the 
murky  air,  and  it  becomes  heavy  and  vitiated,  and  you  long  for 
a stinging  tornado  or  a torrent  of  rain  to  purify  the  nauseous 
atmosphere.  When  there  is  a slight  breeze,  and  it  blows  from 
the  direction  of  the  fire  across  your  station,  it  comes  laden 
with  charred  pieces  of  grass,  which  are  carried  into  your  house 
through  the  doors,  windows,  and  ventilators,  and  the  housewife 
finds  her  furniture  quickly  covered  with  burnt  grass.  At  night 
it  is  a grand  sight  to  see  the  hills  in  the  distance  outlined  in 
living  flames;  and  when  the  thick  grasses  are  burning  they 
generate  such  an  amount  of  steam  in  their  stalks  that  causes 
them  to  explode  with  loud,  gun-like  reports,  and  the  force  of 


HUNTING  MONTHS 


181 


the  explosions  sends  the  burning  grass  hurrying  through  the 
night  air  like  flaming  rockets.  More  than  once  I have  had  to 
put  lads  on  the  grass  roofs  of  our  houses,  to  throw  offj  or  stamp 
out,  the  burning  grass  as  it  fell  on  them.  This  season  is  always 
an  anxious  time  where  there  are  grass  roofs,  for  the  wind  may 
veer  at  any  moment,  and  the  sparks  that  were  falling  harmlessly 
in  the  bush  far  away  on  the  other  side  of  the  fire,  may  be  swung 
round  and  dropped  on  the  place  containing  your  household 
treasures,  and  destroy  all  that  you  have  of  home  in  the  great 
wilderness.^ 

Hunting  proper  (called  veta  in  some  districts  and  wela  in 
othei's)  begins  in  September  and  ends  in  November.  During 
these  months  the  grass  is  short,  because  by  the  end  of  August 
the  old,  tall  grass  has  been  burnt  to  the  ground,  and  the  new 
grass  has  not  reached  any  height.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
hunting  season  the  hunters  call  a medicine-man  [ngang'  a 
nkongo),  who  possesses  a hunting  fetish,  for  him  to  make  a 
suitable  charm  which  will  give  them  good  luck  in  killing  all 
j kinds  of  game ; and  the  charm  he  then  supplies  is  supposed  to 

I be  effective  for  a whole  year.  For  the  making  of  the  proper 

charm  the  “ doctor  ” needs  various  ingredients,  such  as  a piece 
of  camwood,  some  special  leaves,  the  new  sprouts  of  the  nianga 
grass,  some  parrot's  feathers,  a few  cowrie  shells,  a little  wood 
ash,  the  foreleg  of  a bat,  some  red  peppers,  and  some  small 
shot.  He  cuts  all  these  up  in  small  pieces,  and  having 
thoroughly  mixed  them,  he  fills  some  small  antelopes’  horns 
! with  the  strange  compound,  and  securing  their  ends  with 
rubber  he  hands  one  to  each  hunter. 

When  a famous  hunter  dies,  the  natives  are  very  careful 
to  mark  the  position  of  his  grave;  and  to  ensure  its  being 
properly  remembered,  the  hair  of  the  renowned  man  is  cut  off 
and  buried  near  the  grave  with  a large  stone  on  top  to  indicate 
the  position.  When  such  a hunter  is  lying  on  his  deathbed 
j a thread  is  drawn  from  his  native-made  cloth  (mbadi,  made 
■ from  palm  fibre),  and  tied  round  the  forehead  or  arms  of  a 
4 young  man  chosen  for  the  purpose,  who  from  that  time  is 

* We  had  one  station  burnt  to  the  ground  by  one  of  these  bush  fires 
in  the  early  history  of  our  nnission. 


182 


HUNTING  CHARM 


known  as  the  advocate  {Jdmpovela=\^e  one  who  speaks  to 
another  on  behalf  of  someone  else).  This  “advocate”  may 
maiTy  only  one  wife,  whom  he  must  never  beat  or  he  will  lose 
his  power;  but  should  he  want  more  than  one  woman,  the 
exti’a  ones  are  called  “lovers”  (makangu),  and  never  wives 
{nkaza).  This  may  be  a survival  of  a Portuguese  Catholic 
idea  that  a certain  amount  of  holiness  was  required  for  the 
proper  exercise  of  a priest’s  functions. 

When  the  hunters  have  finished  making  their  charms  they 
next  visit  the  grave  of  a great  hunter.  There  was  one  such 
grave  just  outside  San  Salvador,  and  I often  saw  them  at  this 
ceremony,  and  rumours  of  their  success  in  hunting  sometimes 
came  to  me.  The  “ advocate  ” goes  first  and  kneels  with  his 
face  towards  the  hunters,  and  his  back  to  the  grave.  The 
hunters  then  approach  him  slowly,  stopping  every  few  steps  to 
clap  their  hands ; and  on  reaching  the  kneeling  advocate,  they 
spread  themselves  out  and  dance  round  the  grave  to  the  “ rub, 
rub  ” of  the  antelope  drum  (see  plate,  page  178).  They  have 
brought  with  them  a calabash  of  palm  wine,  which  they  place 
on  the  ground  and  their  guns  alongside.  The  “advocate” 
then  turns  towards  the  grave,  and,  shaking  his  rattle,  he  prays 
thus:  “You  are  blind  but  your  ears  are  not  deaf.  Oh  ears, 
hear  well ! we  have  come  to  you,  we  come  kneeling.  While 
you  lived  in  the  town,  you  ate  and  you  drank,  now  we  who  are 
left  die  of  hunger;  give  us  male  and  female  animals.” 

A man  then  raises  the  calabash  of  palm  wine  to  his  shoulder, 
and  the  “ advocate,”  standing  in  front  of  him,  makes  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  and  then  taking  a cup  of  the  wine  he  pours  it  out 
on  the  grave  as  an  oblation  to  the  renowned  hunter  to  whom 
he  has  prayed.  The  remainder  of  the  wine  is  drunk  by  the 
hunters  sitting  in  a circle  round  the  grave.  When  the  palm 
wine  is  finished  the  “advocate”  rubs  a little  of  the  earth 
moistened  with  the  oblatory  wine  on  the  forehead  and  temples 
of  each  hunter  to  give  them  cunning  in  tracking  the  animals; 
on  the  forearms  and  wrists  to  give  steadiness  of  aim ; on  the 

* la  the  native  language  the  words  are  as  follows  : Wafwa  kia  meso, 
kwafwa  kia  viatu  ko,  o mala  nkelo!  Twizidi  ku  lumbu,  twizidi  kufu- 
kamena,  ova  wakala  oku  ‘vata,  dia  wadidenge,  nua  wanumweiwnge,  owau 
twasala  fwa  langala ; se  utukuyila  nkento  ye  mbakala. 


HUNTING  CHARM 


183 


knees  and  insteps  to  give  them  swiftness  in  chasing  their  game. 
After  giving  these  magical  powers  to  the  hunters  he  takes  each 
gun  and  rubs  across  the  butt,  and  draws  his  fingers  up  the 
butt,  and,  on  reaching  the  barrel,  he  snaps  his  fingers,  and 
hands  the  charmed  gun  to  its  owner,  who  on  taking  it  claps  his 
hands,  jumps  in  the  air,  and,  holding  the  gun  in  front  of  him, 
he  walks  backwards  a little,  facing  the  grave,  and  sits  down 
and  waits  for  the  others.  When  all  have  been  through  this 
ceremony  they  fire  a salute,  sing  in  praise  of  the  deceased  hunter, 
rub  the  antelope  drum,  and  drink  more  palm  wine.  These 
hunters  from  this  time  until  they  kill  an  animal  must  abstain 
from  all  intercourse  with  women,  or  the  magic  will  not  work. 

When  they  go  hunting  they  either  take  their  horns  of 
“ medicine  ” with  them,  each  carrying  his  own  under  his  belt, 
or  they  wet  the  rubber  stopper  and  rub  the  butt  of  their  guns 
with  a little  of  the  moisture.  When  a party  of  hunters  has 
been  successful  in  killing  an  antelope  the  blood  is  caught  in  the 
animal’s  bladder  and  carried  to  the  “ advocate,”  who  brings  out 
of  his  house  a cross,  such  as  is  shown,  page  189,  and  sticks  it 
in  the  ground  near  the  great  hunter’s  grave  at  which  the  cere- 
monies above  described  w'ere  observed.  The  blood  is  poured 
over  the  cross  as  an  oblation  to  the  deceased  hunter  who  has 
heard  their  request  and  given  them  such  success.  The  little 
hole  in  the  middle  of  the  cross  is  called  the  “ heart,”  and  in  it 
the  successful  bullet  is  put,  and  the  hole  filled  with  blood. 
The  cross  is  always  well  cared  for  in  the  house  of  the  “ advo- 
cate ” ; and  he  also  has  charge  of  the  “ antelope  ” drum  ^ used 
for  making  the  hunting  charm  at  the  beginning  of  the  season. 
The  body  of  the  “antelope”  is  hollow,  and  forms  the  drum. 
The  skin,  which  is  that  of  the  harness  antelope,  is  tightly 
drawn  over  the  drum,  and  the  hair  is  removed  from  the  skin 
along  the  opening  in  the  back  of  the  figure,  making  it  vibrate 
more  easily  when  the  notched  bamboo  is  rubbed  by  either  stick. 
The  solid  stick  gives  a deep  note  when  rubbed  hard  along  the 
back,  and  the  split  bamboo  gives  sharp,  rattling  notes.  The 
knees  in  the  original  animal  drum  are,  as  shown  in  the  plate, 

‘ A drum  of  this  description  the  writer  brought  from  Congo,’  and  it 
is  now  in  the  British  Museum. 


184 


GRATITUDE  FOR  SUCCESS 


at  the  back  of  the  front  legs  instead  of  in  the  front — a mistake 
of  the  native  workman.  Such  a drum  is  always  a part  of  the 
“ advocate’s  ” outfit. 

Having  poured  the  blood  over  the  cross  placed  near  the 
grave,  the  hunters  repeat  the  following  words:  “We  thank 
you  for  sending  us  such  a fine  animal,  and  hope  you  will  repeat 
the  favour.”  Only  the  blood  of  antelopes  is  offered  in  this 
manner.  Some  of  the  blood  is  rubbed  on  their  fetish  charms, 
and  the  end  of  the  tail  is  stuck  in  the  wall,  over  the  doorway 
of  the  house  belonging  to  the  fortunate  hunter.  We  shall  see 
later  the  reason  for  thus  taking  care  of  this  part  of  the  animal. 

The  man  who  fires  first  at  an  antelope  as  it  rushes  past, 
looks  to  see  if  any  blood  has  fallen,  or  any  hairs.  If  there  is 
no  sign  of  blood  or  hairs,  then  he  has  not  killed  it,  although 
he  may  have  mortally  wounded  it ; if,  when  the  next  man  fires, 
the  animal  drops  it  belongs  to  him.  Should  there  be  any 
dispute  as  to  whether  the  animal  was  killed  by  the  first  shot 
or  the  second,  the  one  who  is  positive  and  overrides  all  argu- 
ment must  take  the  heart  of  the  antelope  and  eat  it  (not  raw) ; 
then  if  his  shot  really  killed  the  animal  all  is  well,  but,  if  not, 
the  eating  of  the  heart  will  destroy  his  hunting  skill  ( = his 
kinkongo).  Many  a man  has  relinquished  his  claim  to  an 
animal  for  fear  of  thus  spoiling  his  luck.  If  two  or  more  men 
fire  simultaneously  at  an  animal  and  kill  it,  they  divide  the 
flesh  between  them  and  give  the  heart  to  the  dogs.  At  San 
Salvador  the  hunter  eats  the  heart  of  the  animal  he  is  sure  he 
has  killed,  but  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district  the  heart  is 
given  to  the  hunter’s  father. 

If  the  man  who  ate  the  heart  of  the  antelope  whose  death- 
.shot  he  disputed  with  another  hunter  becomes  unsuccessful  in 
his  next  ventures,  he  takes  a fowl  to  the  other  man  who  claimed 
to  have  killed  the  animal,  and  gives  it  to  him,  and  that  is  called 
“ paying  back  the  heart.”  It  is  really  a tacit  acknowledgment 
that  the  other  man  shot  it ; and  on  giving  the  fowl,  the  skill 
or  luck  is  supposed  to  return.  In  the  district  where  the  heart 
is  given  to  the  hunter’s  father,  if  afterwards  he  becomes  a bad 
shot,  he  tells  his  father  of  his  lack  of  success,  and  the  father 
chews  some  red  camwood,  and  expectorates  the  blood-coloured 


DIVIDING  THE  ANTELOPE  185 


saliva,  and  that  is  regarded  as  “ giving  back  the  heart,”  and 
the  hunter  thus  regains  his  luck. 

When  an  antelope  is  killed,  the  hunters  spread  some  grass 
on  the  ground  and  the  animal  is  laid  on  it.  The  successful 
hunter  puts  the  butt  of  his  gun  to  his  shoulder,  and  the  muzzle 
on  the  carcass,  thus  signifying  his  right  to  it.  A cross-cut 
is  made  on  the  stomach  of  the  animal,  and  the  hunter  puts  his 
fingers  three  times  in  the  blood  and  to  his  upper  lip,  then 
another  three  times,  and  rubs  some  blood  on  his  gun  each  time. 
The  antelope  is  removed,  and  the  hunter,  putting  his  gun  under 
the  grass,  turns  it  over.  The  animal  must  not  be  divided  until 
this  rite  is  performed,  or  the  hunter  will  lose  his  skill.  The 
animal  is  thus  divided : the  kidneys  and  the  pieces  from 
along  each  side  of  the  backbone  are  given  to  the  chief  of  the 
town ; one  hind  leg  is  given  to  the  men  left  in  the  town,  and 
they  share  their  portions  with  their  wives ; one  shoulder  is 
divided  among  the  hunters ; the  heart  is  given  to  the  father  of 
the  successful  hunter,  if  it  is  the  custom  of  the  district  to  do  so ; 
and  the  rest  belongs  to  the  man  who  killed  it.  If,  however,  the 
animal  has  been  slain  on  land  belonging  to  another  chief,  i.e. 
not  on  ground  owned  by  the  hunters’  chief,  then  one  leg  is 
given  to  him  in  recognition  of  his  rights  over  that  part  of  the 
country.  When  an  “ advocate  ” kills  an  antelope  he  must  give 
the  loins  to  his  wife,  otherwise  he  will  lose  his  power  of  impart- 
ing good  luck  to  those  hunters  who  seek  his  help. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  a hunter  has  a run  of  very  bad 
luck,  and  misses  every  animal  that  crosses  his  path.  He  may 
have  “ paid  back  a heart  ” and  is  still  unsuccessful ; he  at  last 
goes  to  a medicine-man  {ngang'  a nkongo),  who  makes  three 
plaits  of  nine  pieces  of  grass  in  each  plait.  He  then  asks  for 
a piece  of  the  last  bird  or  animal  his  client  killed.  A man 
always  keeps  a feather  or  a claw  of  the  last  bird  he  shot,  or 
the  tail  or  hoof  of  the  last  animal  he  killed  ; and  that  is  why 
these  various  odds  and  ends  are  stuck  in  the  front  wall  of  his 
house.  At  any  time  he  may  repeatedly  miss  his  game,  and 
need  a bit  of  the  last  thing  he  shot  to  restore  his  luck.  So 
we  will  suppose  that  our  unsuccessful  hunter,  who  desires  to 
regain  his  luck,  takes  a claw  of  a hawk  to  the  “ doctor  ” 


as  a 


186 


RENEWING  THE  CHARM 


part  of  the  last  trophy  of  his  gun.  The  “ doctor  ” puts  the  claw 
on  the  ground  and  arranges  three  heaps  of  loose  gunpowder 
round  it,  and  chalks  a cross  near  the  powder  and  on  the  butt 
of  the  hunter’s  gun.  The  “ doctor  ” then  explodes  the  powder ; 
and  putting  a little  gunpowder  into  the  gun,  he  hands  it  to 
the  hunter,  who  standing  a few  feet  away  fires  at  the  claw,  and 
if  it  is  blown  away  then  his  hunting  skill  has  returned  to  him. 
The  “ doctor  ” takes  the  gun,  and  putting  his  finger  in  the  dirt 
where  the  claw  was,  he  rubs  a little  of  the  earth  three  times 
on  the  hunter’s  lips,  and  the  fourth  time  he  runs  his  fingers  up 
the  gun  and  snaps  them.  He  now  loosens  the  plaits  of  grass 
and  shakes  them  about  the  gun  that  it  may  fire  properly 
through  the  grass.  The  hunter  claps  his  hands,  takes  his  gun, 
and  jumping  in  the  air,  he  goes  his  way  after  paying  his  fee. 

During  the  hunting  season  gun  accidents  are  very  common. 
A man  hears  a rustle  in  the  grass,  and  thinking  it  is  an  animal, 
fires,  and  finds  when  too  late  that  he  has  severely  wounded  a 
fellow-hunter.  At  one  time  death  or  slavery  was  the  punish- 
ment for  such  an  accident;  but  now  the  firer  of  the  gun  is 
mulct  in  a very  heavy  fine.  The  punishments  meted  out  for 
such  injuries  have  always  depended  largely  on  the  importance 
of  the  person  wounded,  and  the  position  of  the  one  responsible 
for  the  accident.  The  guns  often  burst,  from  the  excessive 
amount  of  powder  used,  causing  considerable  damage  to  the 
firer ; and  in  fact,  scarcely  a hunting  season  passes  without 
some  cases  coming  to  one  or  other  of  our  hospitals.  Loaded 
guns  are  sometimes  placed  near  the  tracks  of  animals,  so  that 
when  the  animal  passes  it  touches  a string  and  shoots  itself. 
The  one  who  fixes  the  gun  in  such  a position  should  give  full 
particulars  to  all  concerned,  and  although  this  is  done,  yet 
accidents  happen  and  legs  are  badly  wounded  with  slugs — often 
bits  of  twisted  brass  wire,  which  poison  the  wounds  and  cause 
great  mischief.  Such  casualties  have  caused  many  big  palavers, 
and  feuds  between  families  that  have  lasted  many  a year. 

There  is  a special  medicine-man  {ngang'  a ngani)  for 
the  dogs,  so  as  to  make  them  good  hunters.  The  Congo 
breed  of  dogs  is  exceedingly  poor,  for  no  new  blood  was  in- 
troduced for  generations,  and  thus  their  cui-s  deteriorated 


THE  HUNTER’S  DOG 


187 


through  constant  inter-breeding  in  a very  limited  area.  The 
Congo  dogs  have  short  hair,  stand  up-ears,  long  noses,  and  are 
very  cowardly.  When  a man  wants  his  dog  to  love  and  follow 
him,  he  washes  his  feet  and  armpits  in  water,  and  gives  the 
water  to  the  dog  to  drink,  and  then,  it  is  said,  it  will 
track  him  anywhere  and  for  any  distance.  But  when  a man 
desires  that  his  dog  should  be  a good  hunter,  he  calls  the 
above-mentioned  “ doctor,”  who  takes  some  chalk,  the  head  of 
a viper,  various  leaves,  and  mint,  which  he  mixes  and  makes 
into  a bundle.  A small  portion  of  this  he  puts  into  a leaf 
twisted  into  a funnel,  and  catching  a wasp,  he  presses  its  juice 
into  the  funnel,  and  putting  in  a little  palm  wine,  he  squeezes 
the  moisture  from  this  mixture  into  the  dog’s  nose,  and  behold, 
it  is  a good  hunter  and  tracker  of  animals.  Wooden  bells  are 
tied  round  the  necks  of  dogs  while  hunting,  that  the  hunters 
may  know  of  their  whereabouts  in  the  bush,  and  not  fii*e  at 
them  in  mistake  for  game. 

The  following  incident,  which  occurred  in  the  Ngombe 
Lutete  district  in  May  1908,  well  illustrates  their  superstitions 
regarding  dogs.  A good  hunting  dog  was  missing,  and  after 
two  days’  seaixh  it  was  found  dead  in  the  bush,  and  was  at 
once  buried.  A day  or  so  after  the  men  went  hunting,  but 
their  dogs  seemed  spiritless,  indifferent  in  their  search  for 
game,  and  not  at  all  keen  of  scent  (the  grass  is  very  high  and 
the  bush  thick  at  this  season);  so  the  hunters  thought  that 
the  spirit  of  the  dead  dog  was  affecting  the  living  dogs,  because 
they  had  buried  it  with  so  little  ceremony,  and  the  only  way  to 
increase  the  interest  of  the  living  dogs  in  their  work  was  to 
appease  and  comfort  the  spirit  of  the  dead  dog  that  they  had 
buried  so  unceremoniously.  The  hunters  went  and  surrounded 
the  deceased  dog’s  grave,  and  solemnly  fired  volley  after  volley 
until  they  considered  that  they  had  propitiated  the  dead  dog’s 
spirit.  The  usual  mode,  however,  of  burying  a good  hunting 
dog,  is  to  wrap  it  in  the  skin  of  an  antelope  it  has  killed,  and 
inter  it  at  a cross  road,  and  not  in  the  bush. 

During  the  few  veeks  that  the  grass  remains  short,  the 
village  boys  go  farm-rat  hunting — these  farm-rats  are  pretty 
little  brown  creatures  with  black  stripes.  They  live  on  nuts 


188 


BOWS  AND  ARROWS 


and  roots,  and  their  flesh  is  delicious,  as  I know  from  experi- 
ence. My  boys  often  during  this  season  came  from  the  farms 
with  a dozen  or  twenty  of  these  farm-rats  apiece  in  their 
baskets;  and  being  very  short  of  food,  they  persuaded  me  to 
try  some.  Their  habits  are  clean  and  their  food  wholesome, 
but  their  name  and  looks  prejudiced  me  against  them ; that 
I’epugnance,  however,  once  overcome,  I am  afraid  that  the 
boys  at  times  regretted  their  powers  of  persuasion,  for  I often 
had  a meal  from  their  catch.  The  same  may  be  said  for  a 
species  of  mole-rat,  and  the  large  palm-rat — they  are  good 
eating.  No  self-respecting  boy  would  eat  the  dirty,  common 
house-rat.  They  often  told  me  that  the  lazy  boys  who  did  eat 
them  got  a scalp  disease  that  affected  the  growth  of  the  hair 
on  the  head,  causing  the  hair  to  become  tufty,  like  a badly- 
kept  lawn,  i.e.  with  little  tufts  of  hair,  and  the  scalp  showing 
between ; and  certainly  I knew  one  boy  who  ate  house-rats  and 
had  a head  of  hair  of  that  description. 

Several  boys  with  their  miniature  bows  and  arrows,  and 
their  small  conical  traps,  would  go  together  to  the  farms,  and, 
finding  the  rat  tracks,  they  would  place  their  traps  in  them. 
Then  making  a wide  detour,  they  would  enclose  a large  space 
of  an  acre  or  two,  and  walk  in,  kicking  the  grass  and  shouting. 
The  startled  rats  would  make  for  their  runs ; but  these  little 
creatures  have  a way  of  running  and  stopping  for  a moment, 
and  this  habit  is  so  well  known  by  the  boys  that  they  walk  in 
with  their  arrows  fitted  to  their  bows  ready  to  fire,  and  directly 
a rat  pauses,  a dozen  or  more  arrows  are  let  loose  at  it,  and  the 
owner  of  that  arrow  which  pierces  a vital  part  claims  the  spoil. 
Should  the  rat  escape  the  arrows,  it  darts  along  its  track  into 
the  basket  trap,  which  is  built  after  the  manner  of  the  toy 
known  as  a Siamese  link,  and  if  the  rat  once  enters  it,  the  more 
it  struggles  the  firmer  it  is  held. 

The  boys  make  a fetish  from  pieces  of  wood  about  three 
inches  long,  to  bring  them  good  luck  in  rat  and  squirrel 
hunting.  Such  a charm  is  called  nambwa.  A boy  takes  from 
three  to  six  pieces  of  wood  of  exactly  the  same  length,  and 
cuts  notches  in  them  which  must  correspond.  These  he  hangs 
by  a string  round  his  neck,  or  at  his  girdle;  and  he  pours  a 


T 


When  an  antelope  has  been  killed,  the  fatal  bullet  is  put  in  the  hole  as 
shown,  and  blood  is  poured  over  it  as  an  offering.  The  original  is  in  the 
British  Museum. 


Drawing  by 


The  Nsambi 


Rev.  F.  Longland 


The  only  instrument  allowed  in  the  secret  society’s  “lodge”  to  which  the  initiated  may  dance. 
It  is  a hollow  case  laced  together,  with  stout  canes  to  draw  the  strings  taut.  The  strings  are  made 
by  scraping  strips  of  palm  bark  to  the  required  thinness. 


RESPECT  FOR  LEOPARDS  189 

little  of  the  blood  of  every  rat  and  squirrel  he  kills  on  to  this 
nambwa  charm  as  a thank-offering  for  his  success. 

Leopards  are  regarded  with  great  respect,  for  they  work 
considerable  havoc  among  the  goats  and  sheep,  and  they  are 
not  averse  to  visiting  the  fowl-houses  and  levying  a heavy  toll. 
People  also  are  taken  by  them,  hence  there  is  much  jubilation 
when  a leopard  is  killed.  The  fortunate  hunter  has  it  carried 
through  the  towns  of  his  district,  and  the  principal  chiefs  give 
him  presents  as  a recognition  of  his  bravery — each  trying,  accord- 
ing to  his  wealth,  to  outvie  the  others  in  generosity.  When 
it  is  known  which  chief  has  made  the  largest  gift  to  the  lucky 
hunter,  that  chief  goes  and  puts  his  foot  on  the  leopard,  and  thus 
establishes  a claim  to  its  skin,  and  this  act  is  greeted  with  much 
firing  of  guns,  beating  of  drums,  and  dancing  round  the  prostrate 
beast.  Until  this  ceremony  of  treading  on  the  animal  has  been 
observed  it  cannot  be  skinned.  The  leopard  after  it  is  slain 
is  always  spoken  of  as  “lord,”  “chief”  (jnfumu). 

After  the  skinned  carcass  has  been  returned  to  the  hunter’s 
town,  two  or  three  days  are  spent  in  festivities,  accompanied 
with  gun  firing,  drum  beating,  and  the  chanting  of  songs,  in 
honour  of  the  “ slayer  of  the  chief  ” {mvondi  a mfumu) ; and 
much  palm  wine  is  drunk.  The  carcass  is  eaten  by  those  who 
care  to  feast  upon  it ; but  many  abstain  from  eating  it,  for 
fear  of  having  spots  come  out  on  their  skins  similar  to  leopard 
spots.  To  take  or  sell  a leopard  skin  outside  the  district  in  which 
it  is  killed  would  be  resented  as  an  insult  and  cause  a fight. 

While  I was  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district  in  1908  a 
leopard  was  killed,  and  the  carcass  was  carried  to  the  old  and 
real  chief  of  the  district  (Mpiodi  of  Nkondi),  who  gave  the 
hunter  the  largest  donation,  viz.  60  francs  in  silver;  another 
chief  gave  one  tin  of  gunpowder  and  two  European  rugs, 
worth  in  all  22  francs ; another  gave  15  francs,  and  several  gave 
10  francs  each.  As  there  were,  however,  three  important  chiefs 
who  gave  good  presents,  the  skin  was  divided,  and  a piece 
presented  to  each.  In  the  San  Salvador  district  the  old  custom 
is  still  maintained,  and  no  modification  such  as  this  is  per- 
mitted ; but  petty  local  jealousy  was  the  cause  of  this  alteration 
of  the  custom  in  a district  where  there  is  no  great  overlord. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


WARFARE  AND  ITS  USAGES 

IN  dealing  with  this  aspect  of  the  native’s  life,  I scarcely 
know  how  to  classify  him — as  brave  or  cowardly.  It  may 
be  best  to  catalogue  him  according  to  the  weapon  he  uses 
in  the  fight.  The  Lower  Congo  man  with  his  flint-lock  gun  is 
ridiculous,  and  is  to  be  regarded  more  as  a joke  than  condemned 
as  a coward ; but  the  Upper  Congo  man  with  his  spear  against 
spear  can  render  such  a good  account  of  himself  that  we  would 
rather  have  him  on  our  side  than  arrayed  against  us.  I have 
seen  the  native  make  war  with  both  kinds  of  weapons,  and  I 
would  prefer  to  fight  twenty  natives  with  guns  than  two  armed 
with  spears. 

The  spear  is  wielded  by  the  Upper  Congo  men  (only  a tribe 
here  and  there  uses  the  bow  and  arrow) ; but  the  flint-lock 
gun  is  the  only  fighting  weapon  used  in  warfai’e  by  the  Lower 
Congo  people,  and  it  is  about  the  latter  that  we  are  writing. 
According  to  an  ancient  sixteenth-century  account,  the 
weapons  of  the  Lower  Congo  warrior  at  that  time  consisted  of 
bows,  arrows,  axes,  swords,  spears,  daggers,  and  shields;  but 
these  have  been  entirely  superseded  by  paltry,  cheap,  flint-lock 
guns,  introduced  by  traders,  the  barrels  of  which,  in  most 
cases,  have  been  fashioned  out  of  old  gas-piping,  and  frequently 
do  more  damage  to  the  person  firing  them  than  to  the  one  at 
whom  they  are  fired.  The  stock  and  fixings  are  in  keeping 
with  the  barrel.  The  powder  used  is  generally  adulterated,  and 
is  warranted  to  make  more  noise  and  smoke  than  do  damage — 
such  powder  has  little  carrying  power,  and  less  penetrating 
force.  The  bullets  are  bits  of  twisted  brass  wire,  broken  iron 
ore,  stones,  or  pieces  of  metal  broken  small  enough  to  go  down 
the  barrel. 


190 


THE  CONGO  GUN 


191 


When  the  gun  is  loaded  for  firing,  the  fighter  does  not 
press  the  butt  into  his  right  shoulder  and  look  along  the 
barrel  as  he  takes  aim ; but  he  holds  the  butt  of  the  gun 
against  the  palm  of  his  half-extended  right  hand,  and,  without 
taking  aim,  he  pulls  the  trigger  with  a finger  of  his  left  hand. 
By  this  mode  of  firing  he  guards  his  eyes  from  the  sparks  of 
the  powder  as  it  flashes  in  the  pan,  and  his  head  from  being 
blown  off  should  the  barrel  burst  from  the  excessive  charge  of 
powder  forced  into  the  barrel ; but  the  aim  being  unsteady  and 
uncertain,  the  object  fired  at  is  more  secure  than  the  objects  in 
its  immediate  vicinity.  The  Congo  gun  will  not  carry  more 
than  about  fifty  yards,  but  the  combatants,  when  firing,  stand 
about  a hundred  yards  from  each  other,  and  the  result  gener- 
ally is  an  almost  bloodless  war.  1 have  known  over  two 
hundred  men  fight  thirty-two,  and  after  these  unequal  sides  had 
fired  at  each  other  for  two  and  a half  days,  one  man  was  struck 
on  the  ankle  by  a spent  plug,  which  penetrated  the  flesh  so 
slightly  that  I was  able  to  remove  it  with  my  pen-knife. 

The  King  at  San  Salvador  can  proclaim  war  with  a town 
without  consulting  anyone,  even  his  head-men  ; but  a chief  in 
his  district  who  wants  to  fight  another  chief  must  gain  the 
permission  of  the  King  first,  and  then  the  consent  of  the 
district  chief ; and  to  ensure  their  neutrality  he  presents  a pig 
to  the  King,  and  a larger  or  smaller  portion  of  a pig  to  the 
other  chiefs  according  to  their  status.  Chiefs  living  in  distant 
localities  would  not  consult  the  King,  but  only  the  chiefs  of 
their  districts,  and  divide  the  pig,  or  pigs,  among  them.  A new 
palm-frond  shaken  out,  and  put  in  a prominent  place  on  a 
house  or  on  a town,  is  used  by  a person  or  a town  to  indicate 
absolute  neutrality  in  any  local  war,  and  ensures  respect  by  the 
antagonists. 

On  the  declaration  of  war  between  two  towns,  a strong 
charm  is  made  by  the  medicine-man  killing  a frog  which  he 
burns  with  the  twigs  taken  from  three  special  trees  (the  lem- 
banzau,  the  hlo,  and  the  mfilu),  and  the  ashes  of  these  four 
things  are  made  into  a paste  by  the  addition  of  some  water. 
This  paste  is  put  into  small  snail  shells,  one  of  which  is  given 


192 


WAR  CHARMS 


as  a charm  to  each  fighting  man.  The  men  then  walk  round 
one  of  the  above-named  trees,  and  on  returning  to  the  town 
some  palm  wine  is  mixed  with  the  paste  remaining  in  the 
saucepan  in  which  it  was  compounded,  and  all  drink  of  it. 
After  each  man  has  drunk  a little  of  this  concoction,  the 
medicine-man  takes  the  pot  down  to  the  road  leading  to  the 
town  which  is  to  be  attacked,  and  stands  it  in  the  road. 
Every  fighting  man  who  proposes  to  go  to  the  war  must  jump 
over  the  saucepan,  and  if  one  stumbles,  or  touches  it  with  his 
foot,  he  is  compelled  to  remain  at  home,  for  the  omen  shows 
that  if  he  goes  to  the  fight  he  will  be  killed.  The  frog  is  used 
in  compounding  this  charm,  because  the  natives  have  noticed 
that  the  frog’s  heart  “ lives  ” (i.e.  pulsates)  for  some  time  after 
it  is  taken  from  the  body — an  evidence  of  that  tenacity  of  life 
which  they  hope  will  be  imparted  to  them.  During  the  whole 
period  of  the  war  the  men  are  not  allowed  to  have  any  inter- 
course with  women,  or  the  charm  will  be  nullified. 

In  another  district  other  means  are  used,  as  follows : they 
send  for  a medicine-man  (of  the  elemba  order),^  who  takes 
some  palm  wine  in  a wooden  plate  or  bowl,  and,  dipping  his 
fingers  in  the  wine,  he  touches  the  lips  of  the  fighters  with  the 
front,  the  back,  and  then  the  front  again  of  his  fingers ; and 
tells  them  that  they  must  neither  look  back,  nor  enter  a house, 
but  go  right  away  to  the  fight ; hence  this  ceremony  is  per- 
formed immediately  before  they  set  out  for  the  enemy’s 
town.  This  particular  charm  places  them  under  a spell,  so 
that  they  have  no  need  to  fear  any  possibility  of  harm  or 
danger. 

The  men,  women,  and  children  who  remain  at  home  procure 
the  7izaji  fetish  (said  to  cause  lightning),  or  the  mbambi  fetish 
(able  to  give  a horrible  disease),  or  the  mbanzangola  fetish 
(wooden  image  able  to  give  severe  pain),  whichever  they  can 
borrow,  or,  the  one  in  which  they  have  the  gi’eatest  faith;  and 
they  dance  the  nhlco  dance  to  remove  or  destroy  any  witch- 

’ iewfca  = soothe,  appease,  remove  evil  spells,  and  is  a protective 
charm  from  violent  death  by  an  enemy.  = violent  death — the 

war  fetish  used  to  kill  the  enemy.  Each  has  its  own  fetish-man. 


THE  KILLED 


193 


craft  that  may  be  employed  against  their  friends  in  the  fight; 
and  as  they  gyrate  round  and  round  the  fetish  they  shout : 
“ You  fetish,  you  must  kill  anyone  who  is  bewitching  our  fight- 
ing men.”  For  it  must  be  remembered  that  any  man  killed  in 
a fight  does  not  die  by  bullet  or  knife,  but  by  witchcraft. 

Should  a man  happen  to  be  killed  during  the  attack,  the 
fight  rages  round  the  corpse  for  its  possession,  and  often  in 
fighting  for  the  body  several  others  are  killed  by  knives  and 
sticks  used  at  close  quarters.  If  the  corpse  falls  into  the  enemy’s 
hands,  they  cut  off  the  head,  and,  after  soaking  it  in  water 
until  the  skull  is  cleaned  of  all  flesh,  they  fix  it  on  a pole  and 
place  it  at  the  entrance  to  the  victor’s  town,  or  in  a prominent 
position  on  a hill — as  an  emblem  of  shame  to  the  conquered. 
Sometimes  the  skull  is  cleaned  and  used  by  the  victor  as  a 
drinking  cup.  The  reason  why  they  fight  so  fiercely  for  the 
body  is  that,  if  the  head  is  cut  off,  the  spirit  of  the  slaughtered 
man  will  haunt,  and  by  witchcraft  kill,  not  the  man  who  slew 
him,  but  the  members  of  his  own  family.  Thus,  on  the  one 
hand,  they  fight  to  preserve  the  body  intact  so  as  not  to  have 
the  vengeance  of  the  spirit  falling  on  them  as  a family,  and  on 
the  other  hand  they  strive  to  mutilate  the  enemy’s  body  that 
his  family  may  be  done  to  death  by  the  spirit  owning  the  head- 
less body.  On  returning  victorious  from  a fight  there  is  much 
dancing  and  firing  of  guns. 

Sometimes  the  towns  fighting  will  exhaust  their  stock  of 
gunpowder  before  either  side  has  gained  any  advantage  over 
the  other.  A truce  is  then  made  for  two  or  three  months  while 
they  lay  in  another  supply,  and  on  the  appointed  day  they  will 
start  firing  again  at  each  other,  I have  known  this  to  happen 
more  than  once,  and  in  those  localities  gunpowder  has  advanced 
in  price.  At  other  times  they  have  agreed  to  postpone  the 
commencement  of  a fight  until  each  side  has  a good  supply  of 
powder,  and  this  also  has  sent  up  the  price  of  powder  through- 
out the  district. 

When  two  towns,  A and  B,  are  fighting,  and  it  is  noticed 
that  B,  the  smaller  of  the  two,  is  losing,  then  the  neighbour- 
ing friendly  chiefs  will  advise  the  chief  of  B to  sue  for  peace 

N 


194 


SUING  FOR  PEACE 


with  a white  goat  {nkombo  a maboko).  Should  he  agree  to 
this  proposal,  a white  goat  is  bought,  and  one  of  the  chiefs 
carries  it  on  his  shoulders  to  the  scene  of  the  fighting,  the  chief 
of  B leading  the  way  by  walking  immediately  in  front  of  the 
one  carrying  the  goat.  On  drawing  near  to  the  fighting  place 
they  call  out  loudly,  “ Peace  ! Peace  ! Peace  ! ” {Luve ! Luve ! 
Luve!).  And  upon  hearing  those  words  the  fighters  must 
stop  at  once.  The  chief  of  B takes  the  goat,  and  kneeling 
before  the  chief  of  A,  he  says,  “ I do  not  want  to  fight.”  The 
chief  of  A must  accept  the  goat,  and  there  is  no  more  fighting 
until  the  case  has  been  arbitrated  upon  properly  by  the  local 
chiefs. 

If  it  is  an  unconditional  peace,  not  to  be  followed  either  by 
a lawsuit  or  by  arbitration,  a medicine-man  is  sent  for  who 
brings  with  him  some  stalks,  leaves,  and  palm  wine.  He  squeezes 
the  juice  out  of  the  stalks  and  leaves  into  the  palm  wine  and 
mixes  them ; and  then  dipping  the  leaves  in  the  mixture,  he 
touches  the  two  chiefs  with  the  liquid  and  sprinkles  the  rest 
among  the  fighters  and  inhabitants  of  the  two  towns  who  are 
present,  and  thus  peace  is  established. 

The  making  of  blood-brotherhood  after  a bad  quarrel,  or 
after  a fight  between  towns,  is  performed  as  follows : If  it  is  a 

quarrel  the  two  opponents,  if  a war,  the  chiefs  of  the  towns 
fighting,  have  a little  blood  taken  from  each  of  them,  and  each 
drinks  the  blood  taken  from  the  other ; then  two  needles  are 
solemnly  buried,  and  a lasting  peace  is  thus  made,  and  the 
whilom  enemies  become  staunch  friends  and  brothers — more 
than  that,  they  are  one,  for  have  they  not  each  other’s  blood  in 
their  bodies.!^  It  may  be  that  the  burying  of  the  needles  is  a 
remnant  of  “ the  burying  of  the  hatchet.” 

In  September  1882  1 was  tramping  about,  with  seven  men 
and  some  lads  as  carriers,  in  the  Madimba  district,  south  of  San 
Salvador ; and  on  Friday,  September  29,  I left  Sengene  with 
the  intention  of  sleeping  at  Mputu,  and  then  turning  off  to 
spend  a few  days  in  Mbangu  before  starting  home  to  San 
Salvador.  However,  we  had  not  left  Sengene  far  behind  when 
we  heard  that  two  towns  were  fighting  right  in  our  path.  We 


Lent  by 


Rev.  J.  L,  Forfeiti 


IFerry  Across  the  River  Kwilu 


These  dug-out  canoes  are  used  for  crossing  rivers  too  wide  to  bridge  and  too  deep  to  ford.  Both 
natives  and  white  men  pay  a small  toll  for  the  convenience. 


AN  UNPLEASANT  EXPERIENCE  195 


. changed  our  road,  but  on  reaching  the  next  town,  the  folk 
called  out  to  one  of  my  carriers,  “ Lema,  Lema,  your  town  is 
fighting,  and  if  you  go  on  you  will  be  killed.” 

Resolving,  if  possible,  to  carry  out  our  pi’ogramme,  I changed 
my  carrier,  but  we  had  not  proceeded  very  far  when  we  met 
some  men  who  said  to  my  carriers  (who  were  all  San  Salvador 
men,  except  the  carrier,  Lema,  whom  we  had  left  behind), 
“ Don't  go  that  road  ; the  King  has  sent  some  men  to  fight,  and 
if  the  enemy  see  you  they  wiU  try  to  shoot  some  of  you.” 

My  carriers  were  heavily  laden  and  unarmed,  so  to  force 
them  forward,  with  the  probability  of  meeting  armed  enemies, 
would  have  been  extremely  unfair  to  the  men.  There  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  return  to  San  Salvador  by  a roundabout 
way,  so  as  to  avoid  an  attack  being  made  on  my  carriers.  There 
were  six  towns  fighting  one,  and  knowing  the  combatants  well 
I had  not  the  slightest  fear  that  they  would  interfere  with  me ; 
but  I was  anxious  about  my  men. 

In  the  town  where  we  heard  the  news  that  the  King  had 
sent  a few  men  to  the  fight,  we  w'ere  able  to  procure  a guide 
to  take  us  by  a circuitous  track  to  San  Salvador,  as  the  proper 
road  ran  right  among  the  towns  that  were  fighting.  There 
was  no  slow  walking  now ; not  a single  man  lagged  behind, 
each  man  pressing  on  the  heels  of  the  next  in  front.  It  was 
not  a pleasant  walk,  for  the  guide  stopped  frequently  and 
raised  his  hand  for  silence  while  he  listened  for  any  rustling  in 
the  tall  grass  through  which  we  could  not  see  a dozen  feet. 
Then  the  guide  loaded  his  gun  ready  for  an  emergency,  and 
after  that  he  stopped  often  to  look  to  the  priming,  and  on  we 
would  go  again — pushing  our  way  through  the  thick,  entangled 
grass. 

For  an  hour  and  a half  we  walked  to  the  firing  of  the 
combatants  as  we  made  the  detour  to  give  them  a wide  berth ; 
and  at  one  place,  from  the  top  of  a high  hill,  we  could  see  the 
fighting  in  the  valley  below.  They  were  formed  in  two 
opposite  lines,  each  being  well  covered  by  trees,  boulders,  &c. 
We  could  see  a man  loading  his  gun,  then  he  walked  forward, 
pointed  his  gun  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy,  and  fired,  after 


196  AN  UNPLEASANT  EXPERIENCE 


which  he  hurried  back  to  cover;  then  another  went  and 
repeated  the  former’s  action,  and  so  on  up  and  down  the  line. 
The  lines  were  more  than  two  hundred  yards  apart,  and  no 
fighter  went  in  close  enough  to  the  other  side  for  his  gun  to 
send  a bullet  among  the  enemy.  The  grass  hid  them  from  one 
another,  and  the  only  chance  of  damage  was  for  two  men  to 
meet  accidentally  in  the  space  between  the  lines,  when  they  had 
gone  forward  to  fire ; but  apparently  they  listened  too  carefully 
for  every  rustle  in  the  grass.  The  surprise  to  me  is,  not  that 
there  are  so  few  killed  in  their  fights,  but  that  anyone  is  killed. 
I stood  looking  for  some  time,  and  although  many  guns  were 
fired  and  there  was  plenty  of  flashes,  smoke,  and  noise,  not  a 
single  fighter  fell,  and  we  heard  afterwards  not  a solitary  wound 
was  inflicted. 

In  that  walk  we  had  to  break  our  way  through  bush  and 
jungle  to  elude  any  of  the  enemy  who  might  remember  that  we 
had  San  Salvador  men  in  our  caravan,  and  that  we  were  behind 
them  and  unarmed.  We  all  reached  San  Salvador  in  the  late 
afternoon,  nothing  the  worse  for  our  adventure  than  a good 
appetite  and  badly  blistered  feet. 

What  was  the  reason  for  this  fight  ? It  was  not  until  some 
time  after  that  I heard  all  the  particulars,  and  they  are  inter- 
esting, as  illustrating  the  native  mode  of  thought  and  action  in 
these  matters. 

Tulante  Bidi  was  the  chief  of  Lemvo,  a town  about  fifteen 
miles  south  of  San  Salvador.  About  1880  Bidi’s  nephew, 
Nlemvo,  became  the  personal  boy  of  a missionary  living  at 
San  Salvador,  who  some  time  later  brought  him  to  England, 
but  not  without  first  receiving  permission  from  the  King. 
When  Bidi  heard  that  his  nephew  had  left  for  England,  he 
accused  the  King  of  selling  him  to  the  white  man,  and  despaired 
of  ever  seeing  his  nephew  again.  The  King,  however,  assured 
him  that  it  was  all  right,  that  he  was  responsible  for  the  lad,  and 
would  see  that  he  returned  in  due  time.  Bidi  had  to  comfort 
himself  with  this  assurance,  and  knowing  the  King  as  he  did, 
and  being  ignorant  and  superstitious  about  the  white  man,  it  was 
not  much  consolation  that  he  received  from  the  King’s  words. 


A CASUS  BELLI 


197 


Months  passed  by  and  the  grass-burning  season  arrived, 
and  as  Bidi  wanted  to  burn  a patch  of  bush  that  lay  along  the 
boundary  of  his  own  land  and  that  belonging  to  another  chief, 
he,  according  to  custom,  sent  word  to  the  said  chief,  and 
arranged  to  meet  him  and  his  people  at  a certain  time  on  a 
stated  day,  that  the  hunters  of  both  towns  might  burn  the 
grass  together,  and  jointly  hunt  the  animals  driven  out  by  the 
fire.  Bidi  and  his  people  arrived  at  the  appointed  place,  but 
no  Kimpanza  people  were  there,  and  after  waiting  a consider- 
able time  Bidi  and  his  men  started  back  for  their  town.  They 
had  not  proceeded  very  far  on  their  way  when  the  other  chief 
arrived,  and,  without  waiting  or  calling,  he  fired  the  bush. 
This  was  both  an  unlawful  and  discourteous  act. 

On  seeing  the  smoke,  Bidi  and  his  men  returned  and  asked 
why  they  had  fired  the  bush  without  them,  and  had  so  insult- 
ingly broken  the  custom  of  the  country.  The  Kimpanza  people 
asked  him  who  he  was,  and  what  could  he  do,  and  twitted  him 
with  having  his  nephew  taken  away  by  the  white  man  ; that  he, 
a chief,  had  sold  his  nephew  for  cloth.  No  sooner  did  Bidi  hear 
this  taunt  than  he  ordered  his  men  to  fire  on  the  others.  There 
was  a fight,  but  no  one  was  killed.  The  Kimpanza  people  told 
the  King,  who  gave  them  permission  to  fight,  and  told  them  to 
“ go  and  fetch  the  ridge-pole  of  Bidi’s  house.”  To  take  the 
ridge-pole  of  the  chiefs  house  against  whom  you  are  fighting 
is  something  like  capturing  the  standard  in  an  English  battle. 
This  the  Kimpanza  people  tried  to  do  but  failed,  although 
several  towns  joined  their  side,  and  only  one  other  town  took 
Bidi’s  side. 

The  skirmishing  lasted  some  weeks,  and  then  a man  on  Bidi’s 
side  was  killed,  and  that  stopped  the  fight.  The  man  killed 
was  a slave,  and  his  owner  said,  “ How  is  it  my  slave  was  killed 
and  no  one  else?  Surely  he  was  bewitched.”  And  he  accused 
Bidi  of  bewitching  him,  and  Bidi  would  have  had  to  drink  the 
ordeal ; but  the  slain  man  was  a slave,  and  no  free  man  or  chief 
takes  the  ordeal  on  account  of  the  death  of  a slave ; conse- 
quently the  owner  could  not  press  the  accusation. 

Some  months  after  the  fighting  was  over  Bidi’s  nepheiv, 


198 


A CASUS  BELLI 


Nlemvo,  returned  to  San  Salvador  from  England.  The  King 
treated  him  well,  but  said  that,  on  account  of  Bidi’s  complaint 
and  attitude,  Nlemvo  could  not  proceed  to  his  uncle’s  town 
until  the  uncle  had  paid  him  a girl  slave,  and  five  thousand 
strings  of  blue  pipe  beads.  In  the  meantime  Bidi  had  died, 
and  his  brother,  who  succeeded  him,  had  to  pay  the  slave,  and 
Nlemvo  paid  the  beads,  and  thus  ended  a fight  that  for  several 
weeks  embroiled  and  disturbed  a district  the  size  of  a small 
English  county. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


MARKET  DAYS  AND  TRADING 

IT  is  acknowledged  by  all  who  know  him  that  the  Congo 
native  is  a born  trader.  He  is  ever  keen  to  drive  a bargain 
to  his  own  advantage,  and  unwearying  in  his  pursuit  of 
profits.  Those  who  do  not  know  him  misjudge  him  as  lazy, 
but  I doubt  vei’y  much  if  his  accusers  would  take  his  long 
journeys  and  carry  his  heavy  loads  to  procure  the  wherewithal 
to  meet  his  obligations  as  a man,  a father,  and  a husband. 
After  long  trading  journeys  he  has  his  holiday — his  rest-time, 
in  which  to  recuperate  himself  from  the  starving  diet  of  the  road, 
and  the  strain  of  carrying  up  and  down  hills  a very  heavy  load  ; 
but  he  must  work  to  meet  his  expenses.  And  besides,  every 
native  is  ambitious  to  have  a grand  funeral,  one  that  will  be 
the  talk  of  the  country-side  for  many  a day  to  come.  With  that 
ever  in  view,  he  attends  the  markets  far  and  wide,  and  when 
he  has  gathered  sufficient  produce  he  takes  the  long,  toilsome 
journey  to  the  “ coast  ” to  dispose  of  his  goods  to  the  white 
traders.  No  one  accuses  the  members  of  the  Stock  Exchange, 
or  the  shopkeepers  of  the  Strand,  of  laziness,  because  they  do 
not  till  the  earth  to  grow  wheat  or  cabbages ; neither  should 
the  black  man  be  charged  with  idleness  because  he  is  not 
always  found  with  a hoe  in  his  hand.  There  are  both  lazy  and 
industrious  men  to  be  found  among  the  natives,  and  the  latter 
are  in  the  majority. 

Native  traders,  having  collected  articles  of  trade,  such  as 
goats,  pigs,  sheep,  various  kinds  of  farm  produce,  palm  wine, 
slaves,  and  manufactured  goods,  take  them  to  the  markets, 
which  are  four  in  number,  viz.  Konzo,  Nkenge,  Nsona,  and 
Nkandu,  these  have  given  their  names  to  the  four  days 
that  comprise  the  Congo  week.^  All  the  markets  held  on  a 

^ See  Appendix,  Note  IV,  p.  308,  “Times  and  Seasons.” 

199 


200 


MARKET  DAYS 


certain  day  all  over  the  Lower  Congo  are  called  Konzo,  and  all 
the  markets  held  the  next  day  are  named  Nkenge.  These 
markets  are  all  held  in  different  places,  e.g.  all  the  Konzo 
markets  are  held  on  different  sites  from  all  the  markets  held  on 
the  three  successive  days.  These  market-places  are  so  arranged 
that  one  in  four  will  be  within  two  or  three  miles  (sometimes 
much  closer)  of  a town,  the  next  day’s  market  may  be  ten  miles 
away  from  the  first  town,  but  near  some  other  town  or  towns, 
and  the  next  from  fifteen  to  twenty  miles,  and  the  next  perhaps 
twenty-five  miles  away  from  the  first  town.  Thus  every  village 
throughout  the  whole  of  Lower  Congo  has  at  least  one  market 
during  the  week  within  a reasonable  distance  of  its  doors.  If, 
many  years  ago,  a family  moved  into  a part  of  the  country  far 
distant  from  all  the  markets,  then  they  established  one  on  a 
neutral  site,  and  tried  to  make  it  popular  to  induce  others  to 
attend  it;  and  on  whatever  day  they  started  it,  it  took  the 
name  of  all  the  other  markets  held  on  that  day,  and  came  in 
its  proper  order. 

Besides  the  market-day  name  as  mentioned  above,  the 
natives  often  affix  to  them  the  name  of  a prominent  town  or 
place  near  which  they  are  held,  to  distinguish  them  from  all  the 
other  markets  of  that  name  held  on  that  day,  e.g.  Nsona 
Ngungu  is  the  Nsona  market  held  near  the  town  of  Ngungu ; 
and  the  Nsona  Kiyenji  is  held  near  the  town  of  Kiyenji. 
Thus,  if  a man  of  Ngombe  Lutete  district  said  that  he  was 
going  to  Nsona,  everyone  would  know  that  he  was  going  to 
visit  the  nearest  market  of  that  name ; but  if  he  stated  that  he 
was  going  to  Nsona  Ngungu,  they  would  know  at  once  that  he 
intended  walking  thirty  miles  across  country  to  trade  on  the 
market  of  that  name,  near  the  Thysville  railway  station. 
Again,  some  of  these  markets  are  more  famous  than  others 
for  certain  articles  that  are  always  to  be  found  for  sale  on 
them.  For  instance,  at  one  Nkenge  you  can  always  be  sure  of 
finding  pigs  for  sale,  hence  those  trading  in  pigs  consequently 
travel  to  that  particular  Nkenge ; another  Nkenge  will  be  noted 
for  pots,  pipes,  water-bottles,  and  various  kinds  of  pottery ; a 
certain  Nsona  will  be  famous  for  the  amount  of  trade  cloth. 


FIVE  GREAT  MARKETS 


201 


and  another  for  the  quantity  of  gunpowder  always  for  sale ; 
but  although  at  these  markets  there  may  be  large  quantities 
of  the  one  article  for  which  the  market  is  noted,  yet  there  will 
also  be  food,  &c.,  for  sale.  Other  markets  are  very  general  in 
their  character,  having  a little  of  everything  exposed  for  sale 
— sugar-cane,  cassava  roots,  cassava  flour,  native  bread,  cloths, 
knives,  flint-lock  guns,  pots,  baskets,  tobacco,  sweet  potatoes, 
yams,  dried  meats,  fowls,  trinkets,  necklaces,  &c.  &c. 

There  are  also  five  great  markets  that  are  held  every  eight 
days,  not  on  the  same  but  on  the  successive  eighth  days.  These 
are  named  Nkenge  Nkila,  which  is  held  in  French  Congo,  just 
north  of  the  main  river ; Konzo  Makwekwe,  held  in  Ngombe 
Lutete  district;  Konzo  Kikandikila,  held  about  three  days 
south  of  Wathen  mission  station ; Konzo  Kinsuka,  near  the 
boundary  of  the  Portuguese  and  Belgian  Congos ; and  NTcenge 
Elembelo,  not  far  from  San  Salvador.  There  is  thus  a line  of 
these  great  markets,  the  gathering-places  of  large  crowds  of 
people  from  very  wide  areas,  held  every  eighth  day,  sti’etching 
from  San  Salvador  right  through  the  country,  and  crossing  the 
river  into  what  is  now  known  as  French  Congo ; and  it  is  very 
probable  that  they  run  south  to  Angola,  and  well  north  into 
Landana,  i.e.  that  they  are  only  limited  by  the  boundaries  of 
the  old  Kingdom  of  Kongo,  which  formerly  included  both  those 
places ; and  it  may  be  that  they  also  run  east  and  west.  In 
the  old  days  these  eighth-day  markets  were  the  chief  places  for 
native-made  cloth  (mbadi),  and  for  the  fibre  {mpusti)  employed 
in  its  manufacture. 

Before  the  coming  of  the  white  man  the  articles  used  for 
bartering  purposes  on  the  markets  were : native  cloth  (tika 
yamhadi),  made  in  very  small  pieces  from  two  to  three  inches 
wide  and  from  six  to  eight  inches  long ; native-made  knives 
{inbele  za  mfudila) ; hoes  (nsengo),  and  various  other  small  things 
made  by  hand.  After  the  arrival  of  the  white  man  the  currency 
changed  to  red  beads  (mbembe),  thick  black  beads  (matadi 
mankolo),  and  blue  glass  beads  {nzimbu  za  ndombe — or  nzimbu 
for  short).  The  latter  are  so  freely  and  plentifully  used  that 
they  are  really  the  equivalent  for  money,  and  the  standard  of 


202 


ARTICLES  FOR  BARTER 


all  prices,  especially  around  San  Salvador,  In  the  Ngombe 
Lutete  district  brass  rods  vrere  more  popular  than  beads,  and 
thus  became  the  currency,  the  medium  of  barter,  and  the 
standard  of  prices.  Thirty  odd  years  ago  the  brass  rod  then 
in  use  was  twenty-seven  inches  long,  but  now  it  is  scarcely  five 
inches.  Those  who  came  into  the  possession  of  a number 
of  brass  rods  cut  a half  inch  off*  each,  so  as  to  procure  for 
nothing  the  brass  for  his  or  her  ornaments,  and  then  passed 
the  shortened  rods  into  circulation,  and  others  cut  off  pieces 
for  the  same  purpose.  Suddenly  they  awoke  to  the  fact  that 
there  was  not  so  much  brass  in  their  rods — that  they  were  short ; 
but  there  were  so  many  in  circulation  that  they  agreed  to  take 
the  short  rods  by  giving,  and  receiving,  an  increased  number 
for  the  cloth  or  goats,  &c,,  for  sale.  The  process  of  shortening 
still  went  on,  together  with  the  consequent  giving  of  an  in- 
creased number  for  an  article,  so  that  now  the  rod  is  as  short 
as  it  can  get  without  entirely  vanishing  altogether.  Thirty 
years  ago  a good  fowl  could  be  bought  for  two  or  three  rods ; 
but  a hundred  and  fifty  would  now  be  given  of  the  very  small 
rods  for  the  same  size  fowl.  Along  with  the  shortening  of  the 
rod  has  also  been  the  pouring  into  the  country,  by  many 
steamers,  of  hundreds,  if  not  thousands,  of  tons  of  the  brass 
wire  used  for  cutting  into  rods,  and  this  factor  has  also  helped 
to  increase  the  cost  of  native  produce,  and  decrease  the  buying 
power  of  brass  rods.  In  fact,  brass  rods,  and,  in  a minor  de- 
gree, blue  pipe  beads,  are  a drug  in  the  market,  and  the  white 
man,  who  only  has  these  kinds  of  money  in  his  store,  will 
either  have  to  starve,  or  give  such  prices  for  his  food  that  he 
will  find  the  cost  of  living  in  a first-class  European  hotel 
much  cheaper.  He  must  have  now  all  kinds  of  good  cloth, 
clothes,  enamel  ware,  trinkets,  jewellery,  in  fact,  a multiple 
store  in  miniature  to  supply  the  demand : and  if  he  ha|  some- 
thing the  native  wants,  and  no  other  trader  has  it,  he  can  de- 
mand almost  any  price  in  reason.  European  money  is  gradually 
gaining  ground,  and  in  the  near  future  will  probably  supplant 
this  present  mode  of  barter. 

Before  the  arrival  of  missionaries,  the  natives  did  not  know 


}' koto  by  the  Author 

Native  Currency— Church  Collection,  Lower  Congo 

20  boxes  of  matches  ; 2 eggs  ; 200  gun-caps ; i rug  ; i umbrella ; i tin  of  gunpowder  ; i calabash  of  gunpowder ; 2 pieces  of  cloth ; 1 bottle  of 
kerosine  ; 15  francs  (cash) ; and  3373  short  brass  rods.  The  whole  represents  8931  brass  rods  (Congo  money),  or  19s.  6d.  English  money. 


ACCOUNTS 


203 


any  way  of  writing  down  their  business  transactions.  All  ac- 
counts respecting  debits  and  credits  were  retained  in  the 
memory ; and  as  their  memories  were  sometimes  at  fault, 
especially  in  regard  to  what  they  owed  to  others,  there  were 
frequently  bitter  quarrels  and  fights  among  them,  which  often 
led  to  lawsuits  and  big  “ palavers.”  One  way  of  helping  the 
memory  was  to  tie  knots  in  a piece  of  twine.  A man  on  a 
journey  would  tie  a knot  in  a piece  of  string  for  every  day  he 
was  on  the  road,  and  thus  know  for  certain  at  the  end  of  his 
travels  how  many  days  he  had  been  en  route.  If  two  or  more 
men  wished  to  meet  on  a certain  day,  say,  fifteen  days  hence, 
they  would  each  take  a piece  of  string  and  tie  fifteen  knots  in 
it,  and  as  each  day  passed  they  would  cut  oft‘  a knot,  until  at 
last  they  would  see  that  the  appointed  day  had  arrived.  For 
counting  months,  or  native  weeks,  i.e.  sets  of  four  market  days, 
they  would  cut  notches  in  a stick — a notch  for  every  month,  or 
every  week,  as  the  case  might  be.  For  counting  tens,  pieces  of 
grass  or  palm-nuts  or  pellets  of  clay  were  used,  whichever 
might  be  handy  at  the  time  of  counting;  but  sometimes  a 
mark  with  the  finger  was  made  on  the  ground.  Our  ordinary 
old  English  tally  was  known  and  used,  i,e.  notches  cut  across  a 
piece  of  wood,  and  then  the  wood  split  down  the  middle,  each 
of  the  two  parties  concerned  in  the  transaction  it  recorded, 
taking  one-half  of  the  tally  stick.  In  counting  tens,  they 
counted  three,  then  two,  and  put  those  together  to  make  five ; 
then  another  three  and  a two,  and,  putting  those  together, 
they  pushed  them  over  to  the  other  five  and  thus  made  a ten ; 
and  having  made  a series  of  tens  they  counted  them  in  threes 
and  twos,  and  fives  to  make  the  ten  tens,  i.e.  a hundred — a 
clumsy  method,  but  it  was  necessary  in  order  to  check  each 
other’s  counting. 

There  is,  and  has  been  for  many  years,  a firmly-established 
law  that  no  force  of  any  kind,  under  any  circumstances,  shall 
be  used  on  the  markets — no  raiding,  no  thieving  of  goods,  and 
no  capturing  of  people — that  is,  that  the  market-place  must  be 
regarded  as  absolutely  neutral  ground.  At  one  time  not  a 
single  weapon  of  any  description  was  allowed  within  the 


204 


JIGGERS 


boundaries  of  the  markets.  The  infi-ingement  of  any  of  these 
rules  brought  down  on  the  offender  the  vengeance  of  the  whole 
country-side.  There  are  traditions  of  such  offenders,  but  their 
punishment  was  such  as  to  deter  others  from  following  in  their 
footsteps.  Sometimes  rowdy,  reckless  rascals  would  meet  small 
unprotected  parties  on  the  way  to  market,  and  would  rob  them 
of  their  goods,  and  even  steal  some  of  the  people  and  sell  them 
on  a distant  market  or  at  the  “ coast.” 

When  the  white  men  had  built  their  stations,  or  factories, 
at  the  “ coast  ” (and  coast  here  means  not  only  the  sea  shore,  but 
also  the  banks  of  the  River  Congo  from  the  Noqui  to  Matadi), 
the  natives  took  peanuts,  palm  kernels,  ivory  and  slaves  to 
them  in  exchange  for  salt,  gunpowder,  flint-lock  guns,  trade 
cloth,  &c. ; and  about  1877  they  started  the  rubber  trade.  It 
was  about  that  time  that  the  chigoe  ^ (or  jigger)  appeared  : for 
apparently  it  was  brought  to  the  district  of  San  Salvador  from 
the  sea  coast  by  those  who  had  travelled  there  with  rubber  for 
sale.  It  was  then  called  “ the  insect  beneath  the  skin  ” {ntanda), 
and  as  they  noticed  that  these  insects  hopped  about  after  they 
came  from  under  the  skin,  they  called  them  the  bounding  or 
jumping  insect  {ntand'  a ndangxca) ; and  they  have  always  asso- 
ciated them  with  rubber,  which  bounces  about.  It  is  now  more 
commonly  known  by  the  natives  as  dede.  It  is  the  Pidex 
penetrans. 

When  a caravan  of  native  traders  is  ready  to  start  for  the 
white  man’s  trading  factory,  they  call  a luck-giving  medicine- 
man. The  medicine-man  of  this  particular  cult  has  a luck- 
giving bag  of  charms,  containing  pieces  of  leopard’s  skin, 
hyaena’s  skin,  lion’s  skin,  and,  in  fact,  a piece  of  the  skin  of 
every  strong  animal  he  could  procure,  and  also  some  albino’s 
hair.  The  name  for  this  charm  is  mpungu,  which  means  mighty, 
all-powerful ; and  sometimes  these  things  were  put  into  an  image 
{sole—Si  figure  with  grass  tied  round  its  neck,  knotted  back 
and  front)  as  being  more  easy  to  carry.  This  medicine-man  is 
supposed  to  have  the  power  of  making  his  customers  to  be 
specially  favoured  by  women,  slaves,  and  also  by  his  family  and 
’ See  Appendix,  Note  p.  309,  “ The  Chigoe.” 


A POWERFUL  CHARM 


205 


friends,  and  very  fortunate  in  trading.  Those  people  who  by 
us  are  regarded  as  being  the  special  favourites  of  Dame  Fortune 
are,  in  this  part  of  Congo,  thought  to  be  in  possession  of  this 
bag  of  charms  or  the  image  containing  them. 

The  price  for  this  charm  is  one  slave,  and  as  only  rich 
people  can  afford  to  give  that  price,  the  idea  is  consequently 
fostered  that  such  a fetish  really  gives  good  luck  to  its  happy 
owner.  This  medicine-man  can  not  only  impart  good  luck  to 
his  clients,  but,  if  paid,  he  can  remove  good  luck  from  his 
client’s  enemies,  and  overwhelm  them  with  misfortune ; he  has 
only  to  tap  on  the  image,  and  hold  it  up  and  down  three  times 
and  hang  it  outside  his  house,  and  away  its  spirit  will  fly  to 
ruin  the  person  against  whom  it  has  been  invoked. 

On  the  arrival  of  this  medicine-man  he  sits  down  in  the 
middle  of  the  caravan,  which  stands  round  him  with  their  loads 
I tied  ready  for  the  journey,  and  puts  the  image  in  front  of  him. 
He  speaks  to  the  fetish  image,  telling  it  to  give  the  traders 
good  luck  on  the  road,  and  at  the  trading  factory.  A man 
then  takes  a fowl  by  the  head,  and  the  medicine-man  holds  it 
I by  the  body,  cuts  off  its  head,  and  allows  the  blood  to  drop  on 
I the  image.  This  is  to  appease  and  refresh  the  fetish  power  in 
the  image.  The  fowl  is  then  cooked,  and  divided  among  the 
, traders  who  are  going  on  the  journey,  for  them  to  eat.  This 
fowl  is  cooked  and  eaten  in  the  open  air,  and  during  and  after 
this  ceremony  no  one  must  go  into  a house  or  turn  back  from 
the  road.  The  fowl  having  been  eaten,  the  medicine-man 
places  a shell  containing  very  small  bits  of  everything  in  the 
bag  of  charms,  and  this  he  puts  in  the  road  leading  out  of  the 
town  by  which  the  caravan  will  travel  to  the  “ coast.”  Every 
I person  in  the  caravan — man  or  woman,  boy  or  girl — must  step 
over  this  shell,  and  if  anyone  touches  it  with  his  foot  he  is  not 
allowed  to  proceed,  for  according  to  the  omen  he  will  die  on 
i the  journey  ; and  after  stepping  over  the  shell  no  member  of 
the  party  must  look  back  or  he  will  destroy  his  luck.  Some, 
in  order  to  keep  the  powerful  luck-giving  fetish  in  a good 
humour,  sacrifice  a goat  to  it  every  month,  whether  they  go  on 
a journey  or  not.  The  blood  is  poured  over  the  image,  and 


206  ON  PASSING  THROUGH  A VILLAGE 


the  flesh  is  eaten  by  the  trader  and  his  family,  for  it  must  not  be 
sold — only  a comparatively  rich  man  can  afford  such  an  offering. 

The  members  of  a cai*avan  when  passing  through  a town 
must  not  let  their  sticks  touch  the  ground,  or  they  will  destroy 
the  luck  of  the  town,  and  thus  lay  themselves  open  to  a heavy 
fine.  To  avoid  this  most  carriers  put  their  staffs  across  their 
right  shoulders  and  under  the  end  of  their  loads,  which  are 
usually  carried  through  a town  or  village  on  their  left  shoulders. 
The  carriers  while  travelling  in  the  open  country  or  bush  hitch 
up  their  cloths  to  their  girdles,  thus  exposing  their  thighs,  to 
give  greater  freedom  in  the  moving  of  their  legs,  but  on  passing 
through  a village  or  town  they  must  drop  their  cloths  out  of  re- 
spect for  the  people,  and  for  the  sake  of  decency,  otherwise  they 
will  be  taken  to  the  chiePs  house  and  beaten.  Neither  may 
carriers  when  passing  through  a town  carry  their  loads  on  their 
heads,  as  that  would  be  resented  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  as  the  height  of  haughtiness  and  pride,  and  ai’ousing 
the  anger  of  the  people,  would  result  in  a fight  and  the  imposi- 
sion  of  a heavy  fine. 

While  en  route  to  the  trading  factory,  the  above  customs 
have  to  be  carefully  observed,  and  in  addition  payments  are 
made  for  the  use  of  bridges  crossing  unfordable  rivers,  and  for 
the  ferrying  canoes  employed  in  taking  the  caravan  over  deep, 
wide  rivers.  When  passing  through  the  principal  towns  of 
the  districts,  or  the  country  belonging  to  a great  overlord,  a 
toll  must  be  paid  to  ensure  protection.  On  payment  of  the 
tax,  the  chief  receiving  it  is  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the 
caravan  ; and  the  tax  is  fixed  according  to  the  number  of  the 
carriers  in  the  caravan,  and  the  value  of  the  goods  they  carry. 
Rubber  and  ivory  pay  a heavier  tax  than  peanuts  and  palm- 
kernels.  The  tax  must  be  reasonable,  or  otherwise  native  traders 
will  make  wide  detours  to  avoid  exorbitant  chiefs.  The  Zombo 
tradei’s,  paying  toll  to  the  King  of  Kongo  at  San  Salvador, 
travelled  with  their  produce  as  far  as  Noqui,  a matter  of  ten  days’ 
journey  ; but  as  a rule  a caravan  rarely  went  more  than  six  or 
seven  days  from  home,  and  if  there  was  a white  trader  within 
that  limit  so  much  the  more  pi’ofitable  to  them,  and  the  better 
selection  of  trade  goods  from  which  to  choose ; but  if  there 


IVORY 


207 


were  no  white  traders  within  the  sphere  of  safe  travelling,  then 
they  sold  their  goods  to  other  native  traders,  who  carried  them 
nearer  the  coast,  and  thus  the  produce  of  Central  Africa  filtered 
through  more  than  one  middle-man  to  the  white  traders  for 
shipment  to  Europe.  And  as  each  middle-man  received  a 
profit  out  of  the  transaction,  it  was  to  their  interest  to  keep 
the  white  man  from  penetrating  through  to  the  interior  of  the 
country  and  dealing  direct  with  the  natives.  The  belt  of 
middle-men  round  Africa  have  done  much  to  keep  it  a closed 
and  unknown  continent — their  profits  were  in  danger. 

In  the  old  days  some  trade  was  done  in  ivory,  but  not  much, 
as  it  was  thought  that  the  person  who  sold  ivory,  sold  in  the 
hollow  part  of  the  tusk  the  spirit  of  the  people  of  his  town. 
If  a man  took  a tusk  to  the  “ coast,”  and  while  he  was  away 
a person  died  in  the  town,  the  trader  on  his  return  was  accused 
of  witchcraft,  and  had  to  take  the  ordeal,  although  it  was,  and 
is,  the  usual  custom  not  to  charge  an  absentee  with  bewitching 
any  person  in  his  village.  A powerful  chief  sold  ivory  in  spite 
of  this  superstition,  but  even  he  was  careful  not  to  sell  large 
quantities  for  fear  of  public  opinion,  and  the  above  consequences 
of  the  oi’deal. 

During  the  rainy  season  of  1883  and  1884  not  much  rain 
fell  on  the  towns  and  farms  behind  Noqui  and  Ango-ango ; 
and  the  folk  of  that  district  said  that  those  caiTying  ivory 
through  their  country  to  the  white  traders  at  the  above  places, 
were  carrying  in  the  cavities  of  the  tusks  the  bodies  of  dead 
people  to  sell  to  the  traders,  and  the  said  dead  bodies  destroyed 
their  luck,  and  consequently  they  had  no  rains.  They  stopped 
all  trade  between  the  hinterland  and  the  trading  factories  at 
the  above  places.  The  wi-iter  was  on  the  road  between  San 
Salvador  and  Noqui,  travelling  towards  the  latter  place,  when 
his  carriers  heard  that  the  Noqui  people  had  caught  a native 
trader  taking  ivory  to  a trading-house  for  sale.  They  took  the 
ivory  away,  and  cut  the  unfortunate  man’s  mouth  literally  from 
ear  to  ear.  The  writer’s  carriers  were  so  alarmed  at  this  that 
he  had  to  make  a wide  detour  and  pass  through  Mpalapala  to 
reach  his  friends  at  Tunduwa  station.  This  shutting  of  the 
road  continued  so  long,  and  injured  trade  so  much,  that  the 


208 


A STRANGE  BELIEF 


traders  of  Noqui  and  Ango-ango  joined  forces,  marched  on  the 
towns  and  burnt  them  down.  One  white  trader  was  killed  in 
the  fight,  but  the  road  was  eventually  opened  again. 

The  writer,  while  living  at  San  Salvador,  was  visited  by  some 
Zombo  natives,  and  after  much  persuasion  he  induced  some  of 
the  bolder  ones  to  enter  his  house.  One  of  the  first  things 
they  did  was  to  look  carefully  round  the  walls  of  the  rooms. 
On  questioning  them,  we  learned  from  them  and  others  that 
they  were  looking  for  the  shelves  upon  which  we  were  supposed 
to  store  dead  bodies  until  we  had  an  opportunity  of  sending 
them  for  shipment  to  the  “ coast  ” ; and  their  idea  was  that  we, 
as  well  as  white  traders  dealing  in  ivory,  bought  the  dead 
bodies  of  the  natives,  and  sent  them  to  Europe,  where,  by  some 
means,  they  were  resuscitated,  and  worked  for  us  as  slaves. 
Hence  their  fear  to  enter,  their  close  scrutiny  of  the  walls  for 
storing  shelves,  and  their  surprise  at  seeing  no  dead  bodies. 
The  fact  of  our  being  missionaries  did  not  allay  their  suspicions  ; 
and  the  other  fact,  that  we  never  traded  in  ivory  or  anything 
else,  nor  ever  sent  anything  to  the  “ coast,”  did  not  allay  their 
fears.  They  regarded  us  with  greater  dread,  as  they  thought  we 
were  so  subtle  as  to  hide  our  real  reason  for  living  there — the 
buying  of  dead  bodies,  under  a show  of  kindness  and  goodness.  It 
took  a weary  time  to  disarm  suspicion,  and  gain  their  confidence. 

With  x’egard  to  rubber,  the  natives  at  first  did  not  know 
that  it  was  of  any  value,  and  consequently  they  were  slow  to 
use  it  as  an  article  of  trade,  although  there  were  numerous 
vines  in  the  forests.  They  thought  it  was  of  no  commercial 
value ; but  as  soon  as  they  found  it  was  saleable,  they  tapped 
the  vines,  boiled  the  sap,  and  carried  it,  at  first  secretly,  to  the 
trader.  The  reason  for  this  secrecy  was  that  those  who  intro- 
duce any  new  article  of  trade.  See.  have  had  to  pay  for  their 
cleverness  by  becoming  the  objects  of  a suspicion  that  often 
ended  in  a charge  of  witchcraft  and  death.  There  is  a rumour 
that  the  man  who  first  discovered  palm  wine  forfeited  his  life 
as  a witch ; and  there  is  a district  well  known  to  the  writer  where 
gum  copal  was  found  to  have  a commercial  value,  but  through 
superstitious  fear  a prohibition  was  put  on  its  sale  by  the  chiefs 
and  the  majority  of  the  people,  and  the  man  who  discovered  its 


SLAVES 


209 


value  was  threatened  with  the  ordeal  if  he  persisted  in  selling 
any  more.  Since  then  education  and  enlightenment  have  spread 
in  that  district,  and  the  more  progressive  folk  would  disregard 
the  prohibition,  but  unfortunately  they  ax’e  afraid  to  sell  it  in 
any  quantities  lest  the  authorities  should  hear  of  it,  and  demand 
the  ai’ticle  in  part  payment  of  their  taxes,  and  their  last  state 
thus  become  worse  than  their  first.  Other  articles  of  great 
commercial  value  like  cotton,  and  an  oil-giving  seed  {Sesamum 
Indicum),  have  been  suppressed  for  the  same  reason;  but  we  sin- 
cerely hope  that  the  Belgian  Government  by  the  wiser  methods 
they  have  introduced  (wiser  and  better  than  those  that  prevailed 
under  the  disastrous  regime  of  the  now  defunct  Congo  Free 
State),  will  so  win  the  confidence  of  the  people  that  they  will 
fully  reveal  the  resources  of  their  country,  and  co-operate  with 
one  another  in  the  development  of  them  for  the  benefit  of  all. 

Besides  selling  ivory  and  rubber,  slaves  were  also  sold  to 
the  white  traders,  especially  at  the  sea  coast.  Those  sold  as 
slaves  varied  in  character,  age,  and  sex.  Inveterate  thieves, 
men  who  committed  adultery  and  could  not  pay  the  fine 
imposed,  lawless  rascals  who  broke  the  laws  of  their  districts 
and  were  too  poor  to  pay  their  fines,  folk  kidnapped  while 
going  to  or  from  a market,  those  who  tried  to  escape  from  the 
secret  society,  those  too  weak  to  resist  the  tyranny  of  the 
strong  bully,  found  their  way  to  the  trading  houses  as  chattels 
of  barter.  A family  would  also  sell  one  of  its  members  to 
clear  itself  of  debt,  and  a bankrupt  would  be  carried  off  to 
clear  himself  of  debt  by  the  sale  of  his  body.  Sometimes  these 
debts  were  not  legitimate  ones  in  the  sense  of  being  a proper 
business  transaction  between  two  persons  for,  say,  a thousand 
brass  rods,  equal  with  interest  to  forty  or  fifty  shillings ; but 
a mean  advantage  taken  of  a tenjporary  difficulty,  e.g.  a man 
one  day  wanted  ten  brass  rods  to  finish  a purchase.  He 
borrowed  the  rods,  and  the  lender  might  hate  the  man,  and 
sell  him  within  a day  or  two  as  a slave,  or  he  might  transfer 
the  debt  to  an  enemy  with  the  same  evil  result — slavery  for 
life  for  the  sake  of  ten  brass  rods ; and  it  has  been  done  for 
even  two  brass  rods — worth  a penny.  Those  who  were  proved 
by  the  ordeal  to  be  guilty  of  witchcraft,  and  those  who  were 

o 


210 


ARTICLES  OF  BARTER 


murderers,  could  not  be  sold  as  slaves,  nor  could  they  be  re- 
deemed at  any  price  by  their  families — they  had  taken  life 
and  must  pay  a life. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  cai’avan  at  the  trading  factory,  and  the 
price  for  the  produce  having  been  agreed  upon,  the  “ money  ” 
the  native  traders  received  comprised  the  following  articles : 
salt  (mungwa\  cloth  {nlele),  plates  (malo7iga),  dishes  and  basins 
(mbasmga),  mugs,  cups,  and  glasses  (kopo),  gunpowder  (tiya 
twa  mptdu=vfh.ite  man’s  fire),  &c.  Guns  (mata)  were  sometimes 
bought;  those  with  short  barrels  were  called  lung'  e kicvibi,  and 
those  with  long  ones  nkombo—goaX,  probably  because  they  cost 
the  price  of  a goat.  In  a trader’s  store  there  were  more  than 
sixty  different  articles  of  barter,  and  in  these  days  the  number 
has  greatly  increased,  as  has  already  been  mentioned. 

In  the  old  days  (and  only  recently  has  the  custom  ceased) 
the  white  man  gave  to  all  trading  caravans  a demijohn  (large 
or  small,  according  to  the  amount  of  produce  sold)  of  gin  or 
rum  as  a present.  It  may  be  interesting  to  note  hei’e  the 
derivation  of  a word  that  has  now  travelled  all  over  the 
country,  and  is  used  as  an  equivalent  for  present,  free  gift,  tip, 
bakshish,  &c.,  viz.  matabixu.  It  is  made  up  of  two  Portuguese 
words — rnatar,  to  kill,  and  bicha,  a serpent  or  snake.  It  was 
the  practice  of  the  Portuguese  trader  to  give  a customer  a tot 
of  rum  to  kill,  as  they  phrased  it,  the  serpent  or  snake,  i.e.  a 
biting  in  the  stomach.  By  and  by  this  word  was  applied  to 
any  make- weight  given  on  the  top  of  an  agreed  price,  and 
hence  to  a present,  gift,  or  tip,  in  recognition  of  little  services 
rendered. 

Attached  to  each  trading  house  is  an  interpreter  {linguis- 
tere),  who  is  engaged  and  paid  by  the  manager  of  the  factory 
to  act  as  a medium  between  himself  and  the  native  traders. 
Living  in  the  villages  near  trading  centres  like  Noqui,  San 
Salvador,  &c.,  are  trade  brokers  (also  called  linguisteres),  who 
make  long  journeys  into  the  hinterland,  where  hy  their  presents 
to  various  native  traders  and  chiefs  they  work  up  a connection 
among  them.  I have  known  one  such  broker  to  give  away 
between  150  and  200  pieces  of  cloth,  besides  all  the  cost  of  his 
caravan  in  food  and  pay,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  sell  for 


I 

I 


rhoto  by 

Bread  Fruit  Tri  e 

These,  like  many  other  fruit  trees,  are  of  comparatively  recent  introduction  into  the  country.  Tlie  native.;  appreciate  them  now  as 

much  as  the  white  men. 


THE  FACTORY  INTERPRETER  211 


them  when  they  came  with  produce  for  sale  to  the  white 
traders  in  his  part  of  the  country. 

The  factory  interpreter  receives  a monthly  wage  from  his 
master,  and  he  is  expected  to  use  all  his  persuasive  powers  with 
the  native  traders  to  induce  them  to  sell  their  produce  to  his 
employer  only,  and  his  master  will  give  him  an  extra  com- 
mission if  he  is  successful ; and  he  can  also  draw  something 
fi’om  the  deal  by  representing  to  the  native  that  the  white 
trader  has  offered  less  than  he  really  has.  The  interpreters 
often  entertain  prospective  customers  of  their  masters,  and  not 
infrequently  give  the  members  of  the  caravan  a demijohn  of 
palm  wine  to  gain  their  goodwill.  Among  the  interpreters, 
and  also  among  the  brokers,  there  is  keen  rivalry  for  the 
opportunity  of  acting  as  the  medium  of  the  deal — the  inter- 
preter fighting  to  keep  his  lucrative  position  by  introducing 
the  trade  to  his  own  employer,  and  the  broker  trying  to 
procure  the  business  that  he  might  recoup  himself  for  his  heavy 
outlay.  The  white  traders  never  appear  on  the  scene  until 
the  native  enters  his  compound  or  his  store  with  the  produce 
for  sale ; but  it  is  more  than  probable  that  they  were  pulling 
the  strings  through  their  touts  to  draw  the  trade  to  their  own 
particular  factory;  and  I must  say,  that  from  all  the  accounts 
I have  heard  both  from  native  and  white  traders  about  each 
other,  they  never  used  other  than  legitimate  means. 

The  native  trader  and  the  carriers  loaded  with  his  pro- 
duce arrive  at  the  Noqui,  and  he  is  met  by  the  broker  who  has 
visited  his  town  in  the  interior,  and  who,  by  his  presents  and 
glibness  of  tongue,  has  received  the  promise  to  act  as  his 
salesman,  as  his  intermediary  with  the  white  trader.  The 
broker  conducts  his  client  to  the  white  trader,  and  a conversa- 
tion such  as  the  following  will  take  place — the  white  trader 
and  the  broker  talking  Portuguese  to  one  another,  and  the 
broker  and  native  trader  talking  only  in  the  Congo  language : 

Broker  to  white  man  : “ How  much  for  these  tusks  ? ” 

They  are  carefully  examined  and  weighed,  and  then  the 
white  man  replies  to  the  broker : “ I will  give  400  pieces  of 

cloth  for  them  ” (a  piece  of  cloth,  invoice  pi’ice,  costs  from 
1^.  Qd.  to  that  is  about  the  price  of  a standard  piece  of  a 


212  NATIVE  TRADER  AND  BROKER 


certain  quality  of  12  yards  to  the  piece,  probably  the  first 
kind  introduced  by  the  early  traders). 

Broker  to  native  : “ He  will  give  you  180  pieces.” 

Native  to  broker : “ That  is  not  enough,  I want  450  pieces.” 
Broker  to  white  man  : “ They  want  500  pieces.” 

White  man ; “ No,  that  is  far  too  much,  I will  pay  420.” 
Broker  to  native : “ The  white  man  says  that  he  will  give 
you  210  pieces.” 

After  more  haggling  the  white  man  reaches  his  limit  of 
450  pieces ; and  after  much  talking,  lasting  perhaps  a whole 
day,  the  native  trader  brings  down  his  price  to  360  pieces,  and 
the  broker  works  his  up  gradually  to  that  amount.  This 
chaffering  may  last  three  or  four  days,  but  the  price  being 
now  agreed  upon,  the  broker  tells  the  white  man  to  pay  them 
360  pieces,  which  he  does  in  articles  from  his  store : a case  of 
beads  may  equal  eight  pieces,  a common  gun  one  piece,  a better 
gun  three  pieces,  a fine  cloth  four  pieces,  a demijohn  of  rum  four 
pieces,  a case  of  a dozen  bottles  of  gin  ^ two  pieces,  and  so  they 
work  through  the  whole  of  the  360  pieces,  taking  out  looking- 
glasses,  gunpowder,  cloths  of  various  patterns  and  qualities. 
The  native  trader  takes  these  goods  back  to  his  own  locality 
and  sells  them  retail  on  the  various  markets  in  buying  small 
quantities  of  produce,  at  a profit  of  from  100  to  150  or  more 
per  cent.  He  must  be  a smart  man  to  remember  the  cost  of 
the  ivory,  the  expenses  of  his  journeys  to  and  from  the  “ coast,” 
the  value  of  the  goods  he  is  taking  to  sell  in  his  own  district, 
and  many  other  things,  such  as  food  for  his  carriers  en  route, 
taxes  to  the  chiefs  through  whose  towns  he  has  passed,  and 
tolls  for  bridges  and  canoes,  or  he  will  have  a loss  instead  of  a 
profit  at  the  end.  Having  sold  his  ivory,  he  sells  his  rubber, 
peanuts,  &c.  in  much  the  same  way — the  broker  always  leaving 
a margin  for  himself. 

After  the  native  trader  has  left  with  his  caravan,  the 
broker  takes  the  difference  between  the  highest  prices 
mentioned  by  the  white  man  for  the  produce,  and  the  actual 
prices  paid  to  the  native  trader,  which,  in  the  above  illustra- 

' For  some  years  now  spirits  have  not  been  carried  for  sale  to  the 
natives  beyond  the  Mpozo  River,  three  miles  from  Matadi. 


CURRENCY 


213 


tion,  on  the  ivory  alone  is  ninety  pieces,  and  on  the  whole  of 
the  business  done  may  reach  156  pieces.  This  helps  to  refund 
him  for  his  disbursements  among  his  clients,  for  the  expenses 
of  his  journeys,  and  for  his  trouble. 

Sometimes  the  native  trader  wants  more  than  the  broker 
can  afford  to  give,  and  he  will  go  off  to  another  white  man  and 
use  another  broker,  or  that  white  trader’s  interpreter,  who, 
having  given  him  little  or  nothing  by  way  of  presents,  can, 
therefore,  agree  to  give  him  a higher  price  for  his  produce. 
The  native  trader  is  ’cute  enough  to  work  one  broker  against 
another.  Sometimes  the  broker  himself  will  recognise  that 
the  white  man  is  not  offering  a fair  price,  or  that  he  has  not  a 
good  assortment  of  goods  in  his  store,  or  that  their  prices  are 
higher  than  those  at  the  stores  of  other  traders,  and  he  will 
take  his  client  to  another  white  man’s  factory. 

This  system  of  trading  has  already  died  out  in  some  districts, 
and  is  fast  disappearing  in  others ; and  in  another  generation 
it  will  become  obsolete,  and  that  is  one  of  the  reasons  why  I 
have  described  it  in  such  detail.  Men  now  are  often  paid  in 
francs  for  their  work  on  the  railway,  at  the  Government  offices, 
and  by  the  traders  and  others ; and  with  these  francs  they  can 
buy,  in  the  many  shops  that  have  been  opened,  the  articles 
they  desire.  Such  shops  will  also  accept  produce,  and  will  pay 
for  it  either  in  francs  or  trade  goods.  On  the  markets  francs 
and  half  francs  are  accepted  in  payment,  but  the  copper  coins 
— from  five  centimes  upwards — for  some  reason,  are  not 
acceptable  to  the  natives ; and  for  small  purchases,  brass  rods 
and  beads  hold  their  own.  At  all  mission  stations,  no  pro- 
duce— ivory,  rubber,  &c. — for  export  is  accepted,  neither  is 
money  in  any  form  taken,  but  the  barter  goods  are  used  for 
buying  fowls,  goats,  and  native  foods  of  every  kind,  for  paying 
carriers,  and  workmen.  They  are  not  there  as  traders  to  buy 
and  export  produce;  but  use  barter  goods  in  lieu  of  money,  to 
meet  their  household  and  station  expenses;  and  they  are  in- 
creasingly using  francs  to  meet  those  demands,  which  find  their 
way  to  the  shops  of  legitimate  traders ; and  they  will  be  glad 
when  francs  altogether  supplant  the  clumsy,  time-wasting 
method  of  buying  by  barter. 


CHAPTER  XX 


BLACK  AND  WHITE  MAGIC  ^ 

The  word  nganga  covers  a wide  range  of  meanings, 
such  as  medicine-man,  sorcerer,  exorcist,  witch-finder, 
wizard,  fetish-priest,  witch-doctor,  diviner,  fetish- 
man,  &c.,  but  not  one  nganga  exercises  all  these  functions. 
The  term  is  also  applied  to  those  persons  who  have  been 
initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  the  secret  societies,  and  may 
then  be  translated  as  the  Tcnowing  ones,  but  such  initiates  rarely 
act  as  medicine-men : and  it  is  not  necessary  for  a proper 
nganga  to  be  a member  of  either  of  these  societies.  Each 
expert  works  in  his  own  particular  line,  and  rarely  takes  a 
case  outside  of  it ; and  it  will  be  seen  from  the  names  of  the 
various  medicine-men,  that  their  functions  are  usually  well 
defined.  There  are  about  fifty  different  classes  or  orders  of 
medicine-men,  and  some  of  them  are  referred  to  in  the  various 
chapters  dealing  with  different  phases  of  native  life,  and  in 
those  places  their  names  are  given  and  their  operations  are 
described,  hence  only  those  medicine-men  not  already  mentioned 
will  be  found  in  this  chapter. 

Most  of  the  medicine-men  are  engaged  in  what  might  be 
called  the  “ white  art  ” in  magic  and  divination,  e.g.  they  use 
their  supposed  skill  in  attempting  to  free  the  people  from  the 
malign  influence  of  evil  spirits,  and  to  cure  various  diseases. 
It  would  be  surprising  if,  during  generations  of  practice,  they 
had  not  found  some  remedies  for  some  of  the  diseases  they  are 
constantly  treating.  There  is  a great  amount  of  faith-cure  of 
persons  suffering  from  neurotic  and  imaginary  disorders,  who 

^ This  chapter  should  be  read  in  conjunction  with  the  chapter  on 
“ Relif?ious  Beliefs  ” in  Among  Congo  Cannibals,  pp.  246-260,  by  those  who 
desire  the  full  account  of  Congo  fetishism  and  medicine-men.  The 
chapters  are  complementary. 

214 


WHITE  MAGIC 


215 


pay  “ doctors  ” to  dance  and  chant  around  them ; and  cures 
are  often  effected  by  change  of  scene ; a person  living  in  the 
same  village  month  after  month,  attending  the  same  markets, 
seeing  always  the  same  small  circle  of  acquaintances,  becomes 
poorly,  out  of  health,  &c.,  and  goes  off  to  a medicine-mau 
living  at  a village  some  hours’  journey  away,  and  remains  there 
for  a month  or  six  weeks,  with  the  result  that  they  feel  better 
for  the  change,  and  return  home  in  improved  health.  One 
should  be  chary  of  condemning  wholesale  all  the  methods  em- 
ployed by  the  natives  for  curing  themselves  of  their  ailments 
and  diseases.  It  will  be  seen  that  most  of  the  medicine-men 
can  use  their  fetishes  and  charms  in  what  we  may  call  the 
“black  art,”  i.e.  they  can  employ  their  supposed  skill  in 
bringing  evil  and  disease  on  the  enemies  of  their  clients. 

Men  and  women  on  becoming  ngangas  do  not  take  new 
personal  names,  except  those  belonging  to  the  secret  society  of 
the  “ Country-of-the-dead,”  and  they  are  always  called  nkau ; 
and  those  desiring  to  engage  in  the  profession  of  the  witch- 
doctor enter  the  different  orders  by  various  doors. 

By  initiation.  The  witch-finder,  the  most  powerful  and 
wealthy  order  among  the  ngangas,  has  an  assistant  (esarnba), 
but  before  he  can  be  a fully-recognised  witch-finder  he  must 
learn  all  the  tricks  of  his  master,  and  it  takes  a clever  and 
sharp-witted  fellow  to  do  that.  Besides  being  cunning,  he 
must  be  fearless — afraid  of  nothing  and  nobody,  for  his  life 
will  often  be  threatened  by  tho.se  whom  he  accuses  of  witch- 
craft. When  the  time  comes  for  the  assistant  to  receive  full 
power,  his  master  puts  his  fetish  in  the  centre  of  a circle,  and 
his  drum  near  to  his  pupil.  He  beats  on  his  drum,  shakes  his 
rattle,  and  tries  to  drive  his  fetish  power  into  his  assistant. 
If  the  pupil  sits  stolidly  taking  no  notice  of  the  drum-beating 
and  rattle-shaking,  the  master  says  his  assistant  is  not  fit  to 
be  a witch-doctor;  but  if  the  pupil  sways  to  and  fro  to  the 
rhythm  of  the  beaten  drum,  jumps  about  like  a madman,  and 
does  all  kinds  of  stupid  things — as  they  suppose  under  the 
influence  of  the  fetish  power  that  has  entered  him — he  is 
pronounced  a fully-initiated  witch-doctor,  being  now  possessed 


216  METHOD  OF  ENTERING  A CULT 


by  the  fetish  power  of  his  master,  from  whom  he  has  already 
learned  the  secret  of  his  tricks. 

By  payment  to  a ngang'  a mbambi  (see  page  223)  of  one 
thousand  strings  of  blue  pipe  beads  and  a fowl,  after  recovery 
from  an  infectious  disease  by  means  of  the  fetish  image  belong- 
ing to  this  particular  “ doctor.”  In  return  for  the  fee  special 
instruction  is  given  in  the  “medicines”  used,  and  method  of 
procedure.  If,  however,  the  patient  is  clever  enough  to 
recognise  the  herbs,  &c.,  given  to  him,  and  to  imitate  the 
ceremonies,  he  may  set  up  as  a “ doctor  ” of  this  order  without 
the  payment  of  any  fee. 

By  being  imbued  with  fetish  power  in  the  ekimi  dance. 
This  is  a fetish  dance  during  which  the  “ doctor  ” tries  to  drive 
into  his  patient  or  into  his  pupil  the  fetish  powex'.  For  this 
particular  dance  see  page  129. 

By  passing  successfully  the  ordeal  for  witchcraft.  In 
March  1909  I met  a man  who  had  formerly  been  a witch- 
finder  {ngang'  a ngombo).  He  had  been  accused  four  times  of 
being  a witch,  and  each  time  he  had  vomited  after  drinking  the 
ordeal  infusion,  thus  proving  his  innocence.  After  the  fourth 
ordeal  he  informed  his  friends  that  he  himself  would  begin 
business  as  a witch-finder;  and  he  became  in  much  request,  and 
was  never  again  himself  accused.  On  one  occasion  he  was 
chased  by  an  accused  person  who  threatened  to  shoot  him ; 
but  his  principal  professional  difficulty  was  to  find  unerringly 
the  grave  of  the  person  killed  by  a witch.  If  death  is  believed 
to  be  due  to  witchcraft,  no  trace  is  left  of  the  grave,  and  the 
pointing  out  of  the  place  of  interment  is  regarded  as  the  crucial 
test  of  the  occult  powers  of  this  kind  of  witch-doctor. 

The  profession  is  therefore  open  to  any  shrewd,  artful,  and 
energetic  person,  either  rich  or  poor,  bond  or  free,  and  is  not 
confined  to  either  sex.  As  a rule,  the  witch-doctor  is  a lithe 
and  active  person,  for  it  is  often  necessary  to  dance  for  hours 
to  excite  the  crowd  to  the  required  pitch;  he  has  restless, 
sharp  eyes  that  jump  from  face  to  face  of  the  spectators;  he 
has  an  acute  knowledge  of  human  nature,  and  knows  almost 
instinctively  what  will  please  the  surrounding  throng  of  on- 


Lent  by  Miss  Hartland 

Witch-doctor  and  his  Assistants 

The  witch-doctor  himself  is  weirdly  decorated  with  charms,  skins,  feathers,  and  chalk.  One 
assistant  has  a rattle,  and  the  other  a small  ivory  trumpet,  and  to  the  sound  of  these  instruments 
the  witch-doctor  dances  when  in  search  of  the  witch  responsible  for  the  illness  of  his  client,  or  the 
death  of  a person. 


POWER  OF  THE  WITCH-DOCTOR  217 


lookers ; but  his  face  becomes  after  a time  ugly,  repulsive,  and 
the  canvas  upon  which  cruelty,  chicanery,  hatred,  and  all  devilish 
passions  are  portrayed  with  repellent  accuracy. 

When  performing,  blue,  red,  white,  yellow,  and  any  other 
colour  he  can  procure  are  plastered  in  patches,  lines,  and  circles 
upon  his  face  and  the  other  exposed  parts  of  his  body ; thick 
circles  of  white  surround  the  eyes,  a patch  of  red  across  the 
forehead,  broad  stripes  of  yellow  are  drawn  down  the  cheeks, 
bands  of  red,  white,  or  yellow  run  down  the  arms  and  across  the 
chest,  and  spots  of  blue  and  other  colours  are  put  on  promiscu- 
ously to  fill  up,  according  to  no  rule  other  than  his  own  crude 
taste,  and  the  colours  available.  His  dress  consists  of  the 
softened  skins  of  wild  animals,  either  whole  or  in  strips,  feathers 
of  birds,  dried  fibres  and  leaves,  ornaments  of  leopard,  crocodile, 
or  rat’s  teeth,  small  tinkling  bells,  rattling  seedpods,  and  any- 
thing else  that  is  unusual  and  wearable.  The  effect  attained  is 
extremely  grotesque,  but  to  the  native  these  things  are  the 
proper  paraphernalia  of  a witch-doctor  and  a sign  of  his  power. 
To  inspire  the  native  with  awe  and  fear  this  get-up  is  absolutely 
necessary,  for,  if  a witch-doctor  arrived  at  the  scene  of  his 
operations  in  the  ordinary  garb  of  a native,  he  would  be  scouted 
and  turned  out  of  the  town. 

The  witch-doctor  is  the  arbiter  of  life  and  death,  for  not 
only  is  the  victim  he  selects  led  away  to  drink  the  ordeal,  but 
so  implicitly  do  the  people  believe  in  him  that,  when  he  says 
that  his  patient  will  die,  this  invariably  happens,  as  the  friends 
begin  at  once  to  prepare  for  the  funeral,  and  instead  of  feeding 
the  patient  they  dig  his  grave  and  send  to  call  his  relatives  to 
the  obsequies.  The  medicine-man  has  said  that  he  will  die,  so 
what  is  the  use  of  wasting  time  and  good  food  on  him  ? 

'ITie  witch-doctor  is  consulted  about  a child  before  birth,  at 
birth,  and  throughout  its  childhood  and  youth,  during  illness 
to  drive  away  the  evil  spirits  causing  the  sickness,  after  the 
death  of  a first  wife  to  purify  the  widower,  after  death  to  dis- 
cover the  witch  who  caused  it,  and  at  burial  to  ensure  that  the 
deceased  will  not  return  to  trouble  the  family.  Even  after 
death  and  burial  the  spirit  of  the  departed  one  can  be  controlled 


218  WITCH-DOCTOR  AND  TABOO 


by  the  medicine-man,  and  destroyed  by  him  if  it  does  not 
behave  itself  decently. 

The  witch-doctor  puts  the  native  under  taboo,  and  removes 
it  at  the  proper  time ; he  makes  the  hunting,  trading,  and  war 
“ medicine  ” to  ensure  good  luck  ; he  brings  the  rain  when  there 
is  a drought,  or  stops  it  when  the  fields  are  being  inundated 
with  abnormal  storms  ; he  makes  the  fetish  for  the  caravan  to 
carry  on  the  road  that  will  soften  the  heart  of  the  white  trader, 
so  that  he  will  give  a good  price  for  the  produce  offered  for 
sale ; he  also  makes  the  charms  that  will  protect  a whole  town, 
or  an  individual,  or  an  animal.  There  is  no  condition  of  life 
that  he  is  unable  to  affect  either  for  good  or  evil,  and  his 
services  must  not  be  despised  or  some  dread  catastrophe  will 
follow.  Such  are  the  pretensions  of  the  Congo  witch-doctor, 
and  over  the  natives  he  wields  tyrannical  power. 

There  are  two  terms  that  contain  the  whole  theory  and 
practice  of  the  Lower  Congo  medicine-man’s  black  and  white 
art.  When  a man  has  been  injured  by  a known  or  unknown 
enemy  and  wishes  to  inflict  on  him  disease,  misfortune,  or 
death,  he  selects  a medicine-man  who  possesses  a fetish  that  has 
control  over  certain  diseases,  and  pays  him  a fee  to  loTca  e likisi, 
i.e.  to  curse  anyone  by  the  aid  of  a charm  or  fetish.  The  fetish 
is  beaten  with  a stick,  raised  in  the  air  three  times,  and  held 
head  downwards  three  times  near  the  ground,  told  what  to  do, 
and  then  hung  up  outside  the  invoker’s  house,  and  the  spirit  of 
the  fetish  flies  off'  to  obey  its  orders.  This  is  the  simple  modus 
operandi  followed  by  all  medicine-men,  who  invoke  their  fetishes 
to  use  their  various  powers  against  the  enemies  of  their 
customers.  Any  ordinary  man  who  owns  a fetish  can  curse  an 
enemy  with  it  by  performing  the  same  ceremony  ; and  if  a man 
has  not  a fetish  of  his  own  powerful  enough  to  satisfy  his  hatred, 
and  does  not  want  the  expense  of  engaging  a medicine-man,  he 
can,  for  a smajl  sum,  borrow  for  a short  time  a strong  fetish, 
and  with  it  curse  his  enemy.  When  this  ceremony  is  performed, 
it  is  not  necessai'y  to  mention  a name,  but  simply  “ the  thief 
who  stole  my  goods,”  or  “ my  enemy  who  sent  me  bad  luck,”  or 
“ the  one  who  bewitches  me  with  this  bad  disease,”  as  the  case 


BLACK  AND  WHITE  ART  219 

may  be ; and  this  is  the  whole  science  of  the  Congo  medicine- 
man’s “ black  art.” 

Nearly  all  diseases,  bad  luck,  misfortune,  sorrow,  and  death 
are  caused  by  witchcraft,  i.e.  by  some  one  using  a fetish  to  curse 
{loTca  e nkisi)  a person  or  a member  of  his,  or  her,  family. 
For  example,  if  a piece  of  cloth  is  stolen,  the  owner  pays  a 
medicine-man  to  curse  the  unknown  thief.  Should  the  thief 
hear  of  it,  and  through  fear  of  the  curse  return  the  cloth,  he 
will  pay  the  owner  compensation,  and  will  ask  the  medicine- 
man to  soothe  or  appease  the  fetish,  and  thus  remove  its  curse 
(lembola  e nki^)  from  working  against  him.  Suppose  the  thief 
does  not  hear  that  the  robbed  man  has  paid  a witch-doctor  to 
curse  him,  or  he  hears  of  it,  but  feels  so  secure  in  his  disbelief 
in  fetishes,  or  has  such  faith  in  the  protective  power  of  hisjown 
charm,  that  he  retains  the  cloth,  then  the  spell  will  work  either 
against  him,  or  against  one  of  his  family.  Hence  when  a man  is 
suffering  from  a disease,  no  one  knows  whether  that  disease  is  the 
result  of  a curse  invoked  on  his  own  evil  doings,  or  on  a member 
of  his  family,  who  has  injured  some  one  so  badly  that  they 
have  paid  to  have  the  curse  invoked  that  has  brought  the 
disease. 

A robbed  man  will  sometimes  fee  the  “ lion  doctor  ” (p.  227 
infra)  to  curse  the  unknown  thief  with  severe  lung  trouble ; by 
and  by  a man  in  the  neighbourhood  is  troubled  with  a chest 
complaint,  and,  all  other  remedies  failing,  he  asks  the  “lion 
doctor  ” to  use  his  good  offices  with  the  “ lion  ” fetish  to 
appease  and  soothe  it  so  that  the  curse  may  be  removed,  and 
he  may  be  cured.  From  the  native  point  of  view  it  is  evident 
that  either  the  sick  man  himself,  or  else  one  of  his  family,  is 
the  thief,  or  why  does  the  man  suffer  from  such  a complaint  ? 
The  same  medicine-man  practises  his  black  magic  to  invoke  his 
fetish  {loka  e nkisi)  to  cui’se  a man  with  a disease,  and  he  uses 
his  white  magic  to  soothe  his  fetish  {lembola  e nkisi)  to  remove 
the  curse,  i.e.  cure  the  man  ; and  he  thus  draws  pay  from  both 
parties.  Hence  to  invoke  malignant  powers  against  an  enemy, 
and  to  soothe  and  appease  the  said  powers  on  behalf  of  a client 
by  various  rites  and  ceremonies  so  that  they  will  remove  the 


220  MAKING  A VILLAGE  FETISH 


curse,  are  the  opposite  arts  of  the  same  medicine  man,  and  he 
employs  the  same  fetish  for  both  purposes. 

Some  of  the  medicine-men  in  the  following  list  are  common 
to  the  whole  of  the  Lower  Congo,  others  are  known  only  in 
certain  localities,  and  others  are  known  by  one  name  in  one 
district,  and  another  title  in  another  part  of  the  country.  It 
will  be  observed  that  some  are  apparently  more  beneficent  than 
malignant  in  their  operations,  but  it  may  be  stated  as  an  axiom 
that  the  more  malignant  a medicine-man  can  be  for  evil,  the 
more  beneficent  and  powerful  he  can  be  in  removing  curses  and 
thus  curing  diseases.  The  powerful  fetishes  that  give  the  worst 
complaints  are  also  supposed  to  be  able  to  cure  them  when 
properly  appeased  by  rites  and  ceremonies. 

One  of  the  most  popular  medicine-men  is  he  who  goes  by 
the  name  of  ngang'  a zumbi — the  luck-giving  medicine-man. 
Should  a town  desire  to  have  good  luck  in  health,  in  trading, 
in  breeding  animals,  and  success  in  its  rivalry  with  other 
towns  in  hunting,  farming,  &c.,  the  inhabitants  contribute 
towards  feeing  a luck-giving  medicine-man  to  make  for  them  a 
strong  town  charm  {nkind'  a evata).  On  the  arrival  of  the 
medicine-man  with  his  bag  of  charms,  a plain  post  of  a certain 
kind  of  wood  (lembanzav)  is  procured,  and  a hole  is  cut  in  the 
top.  Into  this  hole  some  of  the  zumbi  charm  is  put,  and  a 
piece  of  palm  gossamer  is  tied  over  it.  A hole  is  then  dug  in 
the  ground  just  outside  the  town  by  the  side  of  the  road  which 
the  women  pass  when  fetching  water  from  the  stream.  A goat 
is  killed,  and  its  head  is  put  in  the  hole  and  the  fetish  stick  is 
placed  on  it,  as  it  is  supposed  to  preserve  the  stick  from  the 
attacks  of  the  white  ant.  The  earth  is  rammed  tightly  round 
the  stick,  and  the  goat’s  blood  is  poured  over  the  hole  in  the 
stick,  thus  bathing  the  charms  in  blood.  The  town  charm  is 
now  complete  and  ready  to  work,  but  there  is  one  prohibition 
that  must  be  scrupulously  observed — nothing  tied  in  a bundle 
may  enter  the  town,  or  the  charm  will  become  non-effective. 
Women  returning  with  fire-wood  must  untie  the  bundle  before 
reaching  the  “ town  charm  ” ; men  with  bundles  of  grass  for 
thatching  must  unfasten  them ; carriers  with  loads  must  loosen 


FETISH  FOWL 


221 


the  cords,  or  make  a wide  detour;  and  people  must  remove 
their  girdles  or  belt.  No  sacrifice  is  offered  regularly  to  this 
charm,  but,  should  some  misfortune  happen  to  the  town  or 
people,  they  refresh  or  renew  the  energies  of  the  charm  by 
pouring  some  more  blood  over  it.  Sometimes  the  fetish  post 
is  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  town. 

A man  will  invest,  sometimes,  in  a zumbi  charm  for  his  own 
exclusive  use.  The  fee,  however,  is  so  extravagantly  large  that 
only  rich  men  can  pay  it,  and  hence  the  idea  of  its  power  to 
bring  riches  to  its  owner  is  fostered.  The  zumbi  charm  is  at 
times  put  into  a fowl,  a goat,  or  a pig,  and  such  a fowl  or 
animal  is  never  sold  or  killed,  and  it  is  never  stolen,  as  no  one 
will  dare  to  steal  the  fetish  belonging  to  another  person. 
Male  animals  only  are  invested  with  this  zumbi  power,  and 
when  the  animal  grows  old  the  power  is  transferred  to  another. 

There  is  to  be  found  in  the  towns  what  are  called  zumbi 
fowls  [nsum  a zumbi) ; and  the  possessor  of  such  a charm 
selects  a fine  healthy  cock  and  gives  it  a portion  of  the  zumbi 
charm  to  swallow.  That  fowl  then  becomes  his  fetish,  and  he 
treats  it  as  such.  No  one  is  allowed  to  beat  it,  or  offend  it  by 
driving  it  away,  and  it  is  respected  like  a chief.  The  zumbi  fowl 
tells  its  owner  of  coming  events,  such  as  danger  to  the  town  or 
to  himself,  and  by  its  crow  it  also  foretells  the  future ; and  in 
that  way  brings  luck  to  its  owner,  as  only  he  can  understand  the 
information  given  by  its  crow,  and  is  thus  able  to  take  advan- 
tage of  it.  When  the  fowl  becomes  old  the  zumbi  charm  is 
given  to  another,'and  the  first  one  is  killed  and  eaten  by  its  owner. 
Drums  and  rattles  are  used  for  driving  the  zumbi  power  into  a 
person,  but  the  fowl  simply  swallows  a piece  of  the  charm. 

The  zumbi  is  a bundle  of  charms,  or  an  image  into  which 
some  of  the  charms  have  been  put,  or  a fowl,  or  animal  as 
indicated  above.  The  power  of  this  charm  is  derived  from  the 
great  mpungu  charm  ; and  the  fowl  of  zumbi,  fowl  of  the  image 
{sole),  and  the  fowl  of  the  mpungu  are  all  the  same  in  their 
operations,  getting  their  powers,  however,  originally  from  the 
last — all-powerful,  mighty. 

Another  very  powerful  medicine-man  is  he  of  the  nzaji 


222 


LIGHTNING  FETISH 


{ngang'  a nzaji)  fetish.  Thunder  is  supposed  to  be  made  by 
this  fetish,  which  also  has  the  lightning  under  its  control ; and 
both  lightning  and  a thunderbolt  are  known  by  the  name  of 
the  “ dog  of  the  nzaji  ” {mbw'  a nzaji).  This  fetish  is  repre- 
sented by  an  image,  and  is  believed  to  have  tremendous  power. 
When  a person  has  been  robbed,  and  cannot  discover  the  thief, 
he  sends  for  the  medicine-man  of  this  particular  cult,  who 
brings  his  wooden  image,  and  asks  each  suspected  person  if  he 
or  she  has  stolen  the  article.  If  they  all  deny  the  theft,  he 
then  goes  outside  the  house  and  taps  several  times  on  the 
stomach  of  the  image,  and  after  raising  it  and  lowering  it  three 
times,  the  nzaji  is  thus  incited  to  strike  the  thief  with  lightning 
on  the  first  possible  opportunity. 

The  fear  of  this  curse  is  so  great  that  a thief  will  return 
the  stolen  article,  secretly  if  possible,  or  openly  rather  than 
risk  so  terrible  a punishment.  The  nzaji  curse  is  then  nullified 
in  the  following  way : the  person  or  family  under  the  ban 
tells  the  medicine-man  to  bring  his  image,  and  he  pours  some 
palm  wine  into  the  hole  in  the  stomach  of  the  image,  stirs  the 
wine  well,  and  gives  it  to  the  person  or  persons  to  drink.  This 
drinking  of  the  mixture  {nua  mbozo)  renders  the  participants 
immune  from  death  by  lightning,  and  from  a skin  disease 
called  the  fire  of  God  {tiya  twa  Nzambi),  which  is  supposed  to 
be  given  by  this  fetish  to  those  who  are  under  its  ban. 

Should  several  members  of  a family  die  either  by  lightning 
or  become  affected  by  the  skin  disease,  the  family  goes  through 
the  ceremony  of  marrying  the  nzaji  fetish  into  the  family,  or 
one  of  its  members  becomes  a fetish-man  of  this  cult,  and  thus 
the  whole  family  comes  under  the  benign  influence  or  protec- 
tion of  the  nzaji  (this  is  called  tuntuka  nzaji).  It  is  believed 
that  if  the  fetish  is  brought  into  close  kinship  or  intimate  re- 
lationship by  one  or  other  of  these  ceremonies,  that  it  will 
have  pity  on  its  family,  and  no  other  member  will  suffer  from 
its  curse.  It  must  be  remembered  that,  when  the  nzaji  curse 
is  put  on  a thief,  the  thiers  family  is  included  in  that  curse ; 
and  if  the  family  has  a strong  suspicion  that  one  of  its  members 
is  the  thief,  they  try  to  protect  themselves  in  the  above 


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MARRYING  A FETISH  223 

manner,  and  undoubtedly  the  thief  often  pi’otects  himself  by 
taking  advantage  of  the  antidote  to  the  curse. 

The  fetish-man  of  another  cult  {ngang'  a mbambi)  owns  an 
image  that  gives  and  cures  deep-seated  ulcers  (mbad).  Some 
time  ago  a man  living  in  a town  near  San  Salvador  had  some 
of  these  ulcers  which  the  medicine-men  could  not  heal  although 
many  were  engaged  for  that  purpose.  They  said  that  they 
were  caused  by  the  mbambi  fetish,  and  to  cure  the  man  it  was 
necessary  to  marry  the  fetish  into  the  sick  man’s  family,  when 
it  would  take  pity  on  him.  The  fetish-man  of  this  particular 
cult  was  sent  for,  and  on  arrival  he  placed  his  drum  in  the 
centre  of  the  crowd  that  had  collected  in  the  middle  of  the 
town.  A boy  and  girl  were  selected  to  represent  the  family. 
The  girl  was  put  on  the  ground  with  her  back  supported  by 
the  drum,  and  the  fetish  man  beat  away  at  his  drum  until  the 
girl  swayed  to  and  fro  with  the  rhythm  of  the  beating;  then, 
of  a sudden,  she  jumped  up  and  ran  to  a house  opposite, 
climbed  over  it,  and  as  she  went,  pulled  out,  in  her  frenzy, 
handfuls  of  grass.  Her  actions  showed  that  she  was  under  the 
spell  of  the  fetish,  which  had  taken  possession  of  her.  The 
same  operation  was  repeated  on  the  boy,^  but,  being  too  young 
to  know  what  was  expected  of  him,  he  sat  stolidly  still,  and  at 
last  was  replaced  by  an  older  boy,  who  very  quickly  re-enacted 
the  girl’s  performances.  The  mbambi  fetish  was  then  regarded 
as  a member  of  the  clan,  and  was  expected  to  withdraw  his 
displeasure  from  his  “ relative.”  The  patient,  however,  was 
never  cured  of  his  disease,  and  died  a short  time  after  the 
above  ceremony. 

There  are  evil  spirits  (likwiya)  that  cause  diseases,  bad 
luck,  and  death,  therefore  it  is  necessai’y  to  have  a fetish-man 
(ngang'  a nkwiya)  who  can  control,  punish  and  even  destroy 
them  should  there  be  occasion  to  do  so : for  the  evil  spirit 
(nkwiya)  is  that  by  which  the  witch  (ndoki)  is  possessed.  It  is 
the  business  of  the  medicine-man  of  this  cult  to  ascertain  what 
spirit  it  is  that  is  troubling  the  sick  man  or  the  unfortunate 
family,  and  then  he  tries  to  drive  it  away  by  cursing,  threaten- 
* This  boy,  now  a man,  related  this  incident  to  me. 


224 


CURSING  A SPIRIT 


ing,  and  firing  his  gun  at  it,  and,  as  a last  resort,  he  digs  up 
the  body  of  the  deceased  person  whose  evil  spirit  is  accused  of 
being  the  cause  of  the  illness  or  epidemic  and  burns  itd  By 
burning  the  body  it  is  believed  that  the  spirit  is  effectually  de- 
stroyed, but  this  is  done  only  when  the  evil  spirit  of  the  person 
is  persistent  in  its  attacks  on  the  health  and  comfort  of  the 
individual  or  family.  Before  employing  such  extreme  measures 
they  will  often  call  in  a fetish-man  of  another  class  (ngang' 
a bitodi),  who  calls  on  the  spirits,  and  tries  to  persuade  or 
exhort  them  to  leave  the  sick  man  alone.  Sometimes  he  will 
chase  the  said  spirits  out  of  the  town,  and,  getting  them  near 
the  bush,  he  will  fire  his  gun  repeatedly  at  them  to  drive  them 
away.  Being  something  of  a ventriloquist,  he  has  the  trick  of 
throwing  his  voice  in  different  directions,  answering  himself  in 
assumed  tones, and  keeping  up  conversations  with  the  evil  spirits; 
and,  as  the  natives  hear  these  different  voices  talking  in  mumbling 
sentences,  they  think  this  medicine-man  is  well  worth  his  fee. 

Chest  and  lung  complaints  are  very  common,  so  they 
have  a medicine-man  {ngang'  a munkanda)  of  the  traps  to 
deal  with  them.  He  has  a bundle  of  charms  and  some  small 
traps.  The  bundle  contains  powdered  chalk,  palm  nuts,  and 
small  garden  eggs,  and  on  the  outside  are  various  leaves,  herbs, 
and  six  small  traps.  If  the  person  suffering  from  a chest 
complaint  spits  blood,  the  medicine-man  takes  some  leaves  and 
some  chalk  powder,  crushes  them  together,  and  after  adding 
a little  palm  wine,  he  gives  the  mixture  to  his  patient  to 
drink.  Then  he  puts  several  of  the  traps  {nhanda)  about  the 
door  of  the  sick  person’s  house,  or  room,  having  first  put  a 
little  fowl’s  blood  or  some  sweet  herbs  in  them  to  attract 
insects,  spiders,  cockroaches,  &c. 

In  the  morning  he  looks  to  see  if  anything  has  entered  the 
traps,  and  if  he  finds  a cockroach  is  right  at  the  end  of  one  of 
them,  he  knows  that  the  witch  belongs  to  a distant  branch  of 
the  family,  and  without  any  compunction  he  crushes  the  cock- 
roach, believing  that  the  sickness  will  now  pass  from  his  patient 
to  the  witch  represented  by  the  cockroach,  and  his  patient  will 
* See  p.  243  for  other  methods  of  dealing  with  the  spirits  of  the  dead. 


CATCHING  A WITCH 


225 


now  get  better.  If,  however,  the  cockroach  is  only  half  way  up 
the  trap,  he  knows  the  witch  is  of  very  near  kinship  to  his 
patient,  and,  as  he  does  not  want  to  pass  the  sickness  on  to  a 
near  relative,  he  warns  the  cockroach  and  lets  it  go.  Should 
a cockroach  be  found  in  the  trap  next  morning,  he  believes  it 
is  the  same  one  (or,  if  it  is  a spider,  that  it  has  only  changed 
its  form) ; he  will  either  warn  it  and  threaten  it  more  strongly 
and  let  it  go,  or  he  will  keep  it  shut  up  a few  days  without 
food,  and  will  watch  to  see  if  a near  relative  of  the  patient 
becomes  thin  {i.e.  dying  through  having  his  soul  so  imprisoned 
in  the  trap  that  it  cannot  return  to  the  body),  and,  if  no  one 
becomes  thin  and  ill,  he  will  vehemently  threaten  the  witch  in 
the  insect  and  let  it  go.  Should  he  find  an  insect  in  the  trap 
on  the  third  morning,  he  kills  it  at  once,  as  it  is  evident  that 
the  witch  is  very  persistent  and  should  be  punished.  It  is 
immaterial  if  the  insect  is  found  in  a different  trap  each  time. 

When  the  medicine-man  squeezes  the  insect  in  the  trap, 
someone  else  gets  the  illness  of  the  patient,  and,  as  this  is  the 
only  way  to  catch  this  complaint,  it  is  evident  that  the  first 
patient  received  it  by  trying  to  bewitch  some  one  else.  This 
is  supposed  to  be  the  only  way  in  which  this  lung  trouble  is 
imparted  and  cured.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  witches  can 
travel  about  disguised  as  insects,  and  that  the  folk  they  repre- 
sent suffer  in  proportion  to  the  suffering  inflicted  on  the  insects. 
In  this  fetish-man  we  have  the  black  and  white  art  operating 
at  one  and  the  same  time — in  curing  and  giving  a complaint. 

The  most  powerful  and  most  feared  of  all  the  fetishes  in 
the  catalogue  belongs  to  the  medicine-man  who  has  the 
mhanzangola  fetish.  It  is  a wooden  image,  and  is  always 
retained  in  the  possession  of  the  witch-doctor,  as  it  is  too 
powex’ful  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  a layman,  A private 
person  can  buy  other  fetishes,  but  no  private  individual  may 
own  a mhanzangola  fetish.  If  a person  desires  to  cause  pain, 
disease,  or  death  to  another,  he  goes  to  a medicine-man  of 
this  fetish  order,  and,  having  paid  a fee,  he  drives  in  a nail  or 
knife  where  he  wants  his  enemy  to  feel  the  pain.  A knife-stab 
in  a vital  part  means  a painful  death  to  the  man’s  enemy ; a 

p 


226 


A POWERFUL  FETISH 


nail  in  the  shoulder,  elbow,  or  knee  means  excruciating  agony 
in  one  or  other  of  those  joints,  and  indicates  that  the  man 
does  not  want  to  kill  his  enemy,  but  only  wishes  him  to  have 
rheumatism,  abscesses,  or  such  minor  ailments.  These  fetish 
images  are  often  found  stuck  over  with  nails,  knives,  and  other 
sharp  instruments.  This  is  probably  the  only  fetish  image  in 
connection  with  which  there  is  no  “ white  art  ” practised — it  is 
neither  a protective  fetish  nor  a curative  one,  but  is  always 
used  to  inflict  pain.  On  the  other  hand,  I have  heard  that  the 
nails,  &c.,  driven  into  this  image  are  offerings  for  benefits 
received  ; and  it  is  possible  that  someone  suffering  from  pain  in 
a part  of  his  body  has  driven  in  a nail  in  a corresponding  part 
of  the  image,  to  pass  on  the  pain  to  an  enemy  whom  he  may 
think  sent  it  to  him,  hence  he  may  regard  such  a nail  as  an 
offering  for  a benefit  he  hoped  to  receive. 

Dropsy  of  the  stomach  is  to  be  found  occasionally,  and  a 
person  suflering  from  such  a complaint  sends  for  the  medicine- 
man of  the  masaku  cult,  who  on  his  arrival  calls  together 
the  relatives  of  his  patient,  and  to  some  of  them  he  gives  light 
branches,  to  others  rattles,  and  to  one  of  them  the  fetish  image 
masaku.  The  fetish-man  puts  the  drum  by  the  side  of  his 
patient,  and  while  he  is  playing  it,  the  relative  who  has  the 
image  beats  it  and  calls  on  it  to  cure  the  patient,  and  punish 
those  who  are  causing  the  disease  by  their  witchcraft ; those 
with  the  rattles  shake  them  vigorously,  and  those  with  the 
branches  beat  the  body  of  the  sick  man.  After  keeping  up 
this  performance  for  some  time,  the  medicine-man  leads  them 
outside  the  town,  and  the  branches  are  all  heaped  together 
and  left.  He  then  procures  some  sweet-smelling  herbs  and 
boils  them  in  a large  pot,  which  is  put  under  the  patient;  a 
large  blanket  is  put  over  the  man  and  the  saucepan,  and  thus 
the  sick  man  takes  a vapour  bath  and  perspires  freely.  This 
process  is  repeated  many  times. 

The  word  lemba  means  to  tame,  soothe,  make  gentle,  and 
the  fetish-man  of  this  order  {ngang'  a lembe)  is  called  upon  to 
ratify  unconditional  peace  between  towns  and  chiefs  that  have 
been  at  war  (see  chapter  on  Warfare).  If  a man  has  accidentally 
killed  another,  he  has  to  pay  compensation  to  the  family  of  the 


CURING  INSANITY 


227 


deceased ; and  then  the  homicide  is  taken  to  this  kind  of 
medicine-man,  who  procures  a saucepan  of  palm  wine  and 
presses  into  it  the  juice  of  certain  stems  and  leaves.  He  then 
dips  his  hands  into  the  mixture,  and  puts  the  palms  of  his  wet 
hands  to  the  forehead  and  back  of  the  homicide’s  head,  then  to 
his  temples,  and  lastly  on  all  the  joints  of  his  body.  This 
makes  the  homicide  gentle  and  careful  {olemhamene).  Should 
a hunter  happen  to  kill  his  dog,  he  must  go  to  this  medicine- 
man and  pass  through  this  ceremony,  or  next  time  he  will  kill 
a man.  No  one  will  hunt  with  him  unless  he  observes  this  rite. 

The  medicine-man  also  treats  any  cases  of  madness.  The 
patient  is  well  tied  with  ropes  and  taken  to  him  carrying  a 
lighted  stick  and  a fowl  on  his  head.  The  medicine-man  takes 
five  branches  of  five  different  trees,  dips  them  in  water,  and 
repeatedly  strikes  the  patient  with  them,  saying,  “ Evil  spirit, 
come  out  of  him”  {nkw'iya  vaika  mima  yandi).  He  then 
takes  the  lighted  stick  from  the  head  of  the  insane  person, 
and  plunges  it  in  water,  and  as  the  fire  goes  out  so  the 
bad  spirit  goes  out  of  the  man.  Thereupon  the  fetish-man 
cuts  the  ropes  and  hands  the  madman  back  to  his  family. 
When  a madman  “ runs  amok  ” his  family  are  told,  and  if  they 
do  not  fetch  him  and  look  after  him  properly  he  is  killed ; but 
in  the  old  days  it  was  usual  to  kill  quickly  a hopelessly  insane 
person.  The  fetish  man  who  treats  such  cases  as  these  is  called 
ngang'  a madness. 

We  have  already  given  one  method  of  dealing  with  chest 
complaints  (page  224),  but  there  is  another  medicine-man 
(ngang'  a «^oii  = lion)  who  has  the  reputation  of  curing  the 
more  severe  forms  of  lung  complaints,  such  as  pleurisy,  pneu- 
monia, &c.,  and  a person  suffering  from  a disease  of  this  kind 
goes  to,  or  sends  for,  a doctor  of  this  class,  who  cuts  a long, 
thin,  exposed  rootlet  of  a tree,  and  binds  it  tightly  round 
the  patient’s  chest.  The  “ doctor  ” then  searches  for  a bunch 
of  palm-nuts  on  a palm  tree  that  has  never  been  cut  before  for 
palm-nuts,  and,  having  found  the  first-fruits  of  the  palm  tree, 
he  takes  some  of  the  nuts  and  teai’s  the  oily  fibre  off  with  his 
teeth — a knife  must  not  be  used — meanwhile  walking  round 
the  palm  tree.  Two  of  the  nuts,  freed  of  their  oily  fibre,  are 


228  TREATING  SLEEPING-SICKNESS 


hung  from  the  rootlet  round  the  man’s  chest,  one  near  each 
breast,  and  then  the  oil  from  the  fibre  is  pressed  out,  mixed 
with  palm  wine,  and  rubbed  well  into  the  patient’s  chest. 

There  are  many  cases  of  sleeping-sickness ; and  the  patient 
suffering  from  this  terrible  complaint  goes  to  the  medicine-man 
for  sleeping-sickness  {ngang'  a manimha),  who  gives  him  a purge, 
and  then  something  hot  to  drink  with  pepper  mixed  in  it. 
Sometimes  he  drops  pepper-juice  in  the  patient’s  eyes  to 
keep  him  awake,  and  lets  blood  every  four  days.  He  also 
scarifies  the  back  and  legs,  and  rubs  in  a mixture  of  limejuice 
and  gunpowder,  and  stands  the  patient  for  a short  time  in  the 
sun.  Very  often  a low  state  of  health  exhibits  some  of  the 
symptoms  of  sleeping-sickness,  and  such  cases  are  helped  by 
any  course  of  medicine  in  which  the  suflPerer  has  faith,  and 
these  so-called  cures  foster  the  belief  of  the  people  in  the 
power  of  this  kind  of  “ doctor  ” to  relieve  and  cure  real  cases  of 
sleeping-sickness.  Although  I have  watched  carefully  I have 
never  known  him  to  cure  a patient  who,  beyond  all  doubt,  had 
the  di'ead  complaint. 

When  a married  couple  have  lost  their  children  by  death 
they  send  for  the  manga  fetish-man,  and  on  his  arrival,  the 
woman  holds  a “ hand  ” of  plantain  on  her  head  with  the  right 
hand,  and  to  her  left  hand  a rope  is  tied,  and  she  is  led  by  a 
man  who  cries  out,  “ I have  a person  for  sale.”  The  fetish- 
man  says,  “ Bring  the  woman  here  and  I will  buy  her  that  she 
may  bear  children.”  The  seller  demands  3,000  strings  of  beads, 
and  the  medicine-man  pays  three  single  beads,  and  takes  the 
woman,  whereupon  he  throws  away  the  plantain,  saying, 
“ Remove  these  plantains,  for  they  are  the  reason  why  she  does 
not  bear  healthy  children,  because  she  is  carrying  them  on  her 
head.”  He  cuts  the  rope  and  a feast  is  made,  after  which  he 
puts  a taboo  on  her,  and  the  ceremony  is  finished.  This  manga 
fetish-man  does  for  the  people  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district 
what  the  moko  “ doctor  ” practises  around  San  Salvador  (see 
page  2.59). 

The  medicine-man  who  owns  the  mpmgo  fetish  prepares  in 
saucepans  some  protective  charms  which  work  by  making  an 
enemy  forget  his  evil  intentions.  Should  a person  want  to  rob 


Photo  hy  Dr.  Mercier  Gattible 

Sleeping-sick  Patients,  San  Salvador 

'J'he  patients  are  set  to  build  their  own  house,  where  they  live  while  under  treatment.  The 
picture  well  illustrates  the  materials,  and  the  methods,  of  erecting  an  ordinary  native  house. 


Photo  by  Mercier  Cavibie 

Basket  Making 

'I  be  Congo  women  are  skilful  basket  makers.  They  prepare  their  own  materials,  and 
often  work  designs  in  red  and  black.  These,  like  the  above  house  builders,  are  sleeping- 
sick  patients.  It  is  always  wise  to  keep  such  patients  busy. 


THIEF’S  FETISH 


229 


another  under  his  very  eyes,  he  uses  the  charm  prepared  and 
sold  by  this  medicine-man,  and  under  its  spell  he  enters  a 
person’s  house,  and  either  he  or  an  accomplice  engages  the  victim 
in  an  interesting  conversation,  so  that  he  becomes  forgetful  of 
all  else,  and  in  that  state  of  oblivion  he  is  easily  robbed. 

Any  person  suffering  through  ill-health  from  lack  of  energy 
sends  for  the  nkonzo  ( = nervous  energy)  medicine-man,  or  for 
the  malunga  ( = smithy,  forge)  medicine-man,  who  rubs  two 
pieces  of  iron  down  the  legs  and  arms  three  times;  he  then 
takes  some  green  grass  and  rubs  it  into  shreds,  and  puts  some 
fire  in  the  middle,  and  some  sweet  herbs  on  the  live  embers. 
He  blows  on  it  until  there  is  a good  smoke,  and  then  passes 
the  smoking  herbs  three  times  round  the  legs  of  the  patient  as 
he,  or  she,  stands  astride.  When  a woman  is  in  birthpangs 
and  has  not  sufficient  strength,  they  seat  her  on  two  stones 
and  perform  the  above  operation.  This  fetish  comes  from  the 
smithy,  and  consequently  no  one  will  steal  from  a forge  or  he 
will  lose  his  nervous  energy. 

The  medicine-man  with  the  ngundu  fetish  attempts  to  cure 
hernia  with  fomentations  of  hot  leaves,  purgatives,  and  palm 
wine  mixed  with  certain  juices.  The  ngoMla  medicine-man  pos- 
sesses an  image  that  has  power  to  discover  thieves,  and  recover 
stolen  property.  It  gives  the  thieves  any  and  every  kind  of  lung 
trouble,  from  which  they  cannot  be  cured  until  they  have  made 
restitution  for  the  robbery.  And  the  ehunze  medicine-man 
attends  a person  with  fits,  apoplexy,  or  the  ague  shivers  of  fevers. 
He  makes  a leaf  funnel  and  squeezing  the  juices  of  certain 
leaves  into  it,  he  drops  the  mixture  into  the  eyes.  The  manmga 
medicine-man  owns  a fetish  that  causes  a man  to  become  very 
thin  and  weak,  and  it  is  also  supposed  to  cure  the  complaint. 

The  rain-stopping  medicine-man  (ngang'  a lukandu)  has  a 
small  bundle  of  “ medicines  ” (which  bundle  is  called  lukandu). 
which  he  places  on  the  ground  and  surrounds  with  several 
small  heaps  of  gunpowder.  He  shakes  his  rattle,  explodes  the 
powder,  and  blows  his  whistle  three  times,  and  then  the  rain 
will  neither  be  so  frequent  nor  so  abundant.  The  rainbow  is 
one  of  the  signs  of  the  effective  working  of  this  med'cine-man  ; 
and  when  the  people  see  it  they  think  the  charm  is  successful. 


230 


RUNNING  WATER 


and  the  rain  will  not  fall  again  for  some  time.  Should  these 
means,  however,  not  succeed,  salt  is  put  on  the  fire ; but  this 
last  charm  must  be  used  with  great  care,  for  it  may  entirely 
stop  the  rain  for  the  rest  of  the  rainy  season,  so  it  is  used  only 
when  other  means  have  failed.  The  medicine-man,  on  the  day 
that  he  is  going  to  invoke  the  power  of  this  charm,  must  neither 
drink  water  nor  wash  himself.  To  cause  rain  to  come  after  a 
long  drought,  the  fetish-man  takes  certain  leaves  (lulemba-lemba), 
and  puts  them  into  a stream  and  dives  under  the  water,  and 
when  he  returns  to  the  surface  the  rain  will  soon  fall. 

In  the  ceremony  of  the  last  medicine-man  that  we  shall 
mention  there  is  an  echo  of  the  old  Scottish  belief  that  spirits, 
&c.,  will  not  cross  water,  as  illustrated  in  Burns’  Tam  o'  Shanter. 
This  medicine-man  {ngang'  a maladi),  when  a person  has  re- 
covered from  certain  serious  sicknesses,  as  dropsy,  sleeping- 
sickness,  &c.,  brings  his  fetish,  which  originally  came  from  the 
Baladi  country  (in  French  Congo),  and  removes  from  the  patient 
the  taboo  of  “ not  crossing  the  road  ” that  was  imposed  on  the 
sick  man  while  ill.  He  takes  his  patient  to  a cross  road,  draws  a 
chalk  mark  on  the  road,  digs  a trench,  puts  water  into  it,  and  he 
takes  the  patient,  by  interlocking  the  little  fingers  of  the  right 
hands,  and  helps  him  over  the  water  three  times.  The  taboo  is 
removed,  and  the  sickness  is  not  able  to  follow  the  man  across  the 
water.  Should  a woman  give  birth  to  sickly  children  that  quickly 
die,  the  same  ceremony  is  performed,  and  the  complaint  from 
which  she  was  suffering  that  caused  the  death  of  her  children 
will  not  follow  her  across  the  little  stream  of  running  water. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  list  of  medicine-men,  and 
from  those  mentioned  in  the  various  chapters  dealing  with 
other  aspects  of  native  life,  that  there  is  a fetish-man  for 
every  known  disease,  and  also  one  for  every  possible  emergency 
of  life.  The  native  is  afraid  to  take  a single  important  step  in 
any  direction  from  birth  to  death  without  first  consulting  the 
medicine-men,  and  invoking  the  aid  of  their  fetishes.  When  a 
man  is  not  helped  by  one,  he,  as  a rule,  does  not  blame  him, 
but  thinks  that  the  diagnosis  is  wrong,  and  that  the  disease,  or 
misfortune,  is  not  under  the  control  of  his  particular  fetish. 
His  faith,  however,  in  the  medicine-men  is  unaffected,  so  he 


FETISH-MAN’S  POWER  231 

simply  changes  one  fetish-man  for  another,  hoping  that  the 
new  one  will  have  a fetish  to  meet  his  case. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  the  ceremonies  of  some  fetish- 
men  white  magic  is  more  evident  than  black,  and  in  others  that 
black  magic  is  more  prominent  than  white,  and  that  nearly 
every  one  practises  both  the  black  and  white  art  by  the 
invocation  of  the  same  fetish  in  a slightly  different  way ; by 
dealing  with  his  fetish  in  one  way  he  invokes  it  to  curse  a 
person  with  disease  and  misfortune,  and  by  following  another 
mode  of  procedure  he  tries  to  soothe  and  appease  his  fetish, 
that  it  may  in  a good  humour  give  his  client  the  health  and 
good  luck  that  he  desires. 

In  the  early  years  of  the  Baptist  Mission  on  the  Congo,  the 
natives  had  little  or  no  faith  in  our  medicines,  because  we  ad- 
ministered them  in  a simple  and  straight-forward  way.  If  we 
had  had  recourse  to  trickery  we  might  have  made  large  sums 
for  our  mission  funds,  but,  although  our  medical  knowledge  was 
very  limited,  and  we  had  no  doctors  for  very  long  among  us,  yet 
our  remedies  have  so  gained  in  favour  that  at  one  station  alone 
(Wathen)  a sum  of  nearly  £S0  is  taken  annually  for  medicines, 
and  natives  come  long  distances  to  be  treated  in  our  hospitals. 
Medicine  is  not  given  to  those  whom  we  know  can  afford  to  pay 
for  it. 

The  fetish-men  have  largely  maintained  the  continuity  of 
native  customs,  for,  when  baffled  in  curing  a person,  they  have 
frequently  put  their  failure  at  the  door  of  a broken  taboo,  or  a 
slighted  “ country  custom  ” ; they  are  also  largely  responsible 
for  crushing  any  inventive  genius  the  people  have  shown  by 
putting  public  calamities,  such  as  an  epidemic  of  sickness,  to 
the  account  of  any  inventor  who  might  be  known  at  the  time ; 
and  they  have  hindered  all  progress  by  charging  with  witch- 
craft anyone  who  was  more  skilful  in  work,  or  more  energetic 
and  shrewd  in  trading,  than  his  neighbours.  The  fear  of  being 
charged  with  witchcraft  has  been  so  great  and  continuous  that  it 
has  hampered  and  destroyed  every  attempt  at  advancement,  and 
nullified  every  progressive  step,  and  there  was  little  hope  of  the 
native  attaining  any  position  in  civilisation,  or  any  betterment 
of  his  conditions  of  life,  until  he  lost  faith  in  his  fetish-men. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


FETISHES  AND  CHARMS 

Not  many  years  ago  the  belief  in  fetishes,  charms,  and 
amulets  was  widespread  throughout  the  whole  of  the 
Lower  Congo.  Everyone  had  his  or  her  charm  worn 
somewhere  about  the  body,  or  carefully  guarded  in  basket  or 
box,  or  hanging  from  a rafter  of  the  house;  and  some  had 
several  charms  for  various  purposes.  Many  of  the  more  wealthy 
had  their  special  charms  and  fetish  images,  for  which  they  paid 
large  sums,  to  which  they  offered  periodic  sacrifices,  and  by 
which  they  were  supposed  to  have  gained  their  wealth,  and 
their  favourable  positions  in  the  localities  in  which  they  lived. 
In  many  large  districts  these  charms  no  longer  possess  their 
former  power  to  influence  the  life  and  thought  of  all  the  people, 
or  even  the  majority;  but  the  Lower  Congo,  i.e.  the  country 
between  Stanley  Pool  and  the  sea  coast,  is  so  immense,  that 
there  are  still  large  areas  untouched  by  white  men,  where  faith 
in  fetishes  and  charms  which,  a generation  ago,  was  common  to 
the  whole  country,  continues  to  linger,  and  will  for  many  a day 
to  come ; and  in  the  districts  where  the  white  man  and  his 
teaching  are  dominant  factors  in  the  life  of  the  natives,  there 
are  some  who  still  cling  to  their  charms  and  believe  in  their 
power.  A superstitious  belief  in  charms,  amulets,  mascots,  &c., 
is  most  difficult  to  eradicate:  it  is  hydra-headed  in  its  virility 
and  numerous  manifestations. 

Every  medicine-man  has  a bundle  of  charms  {ebunda  dm 
mfuhC),  which  by  .some  is  kept  intact,  but  most  of  them  put  a 
portion  of  this  charm  bundle  into  an  image  (teke),  and  the 
image  having  received  a bit  of  all  the  charms  in  the  bundle  into 
its  head  or  stomach,  it  (the  portion  of  charms)  becomes  the 
brains,  the  intelligence  (nkirida)  of  the  image  which  is  thus 
transformed  into  a Fetish  (nkisi).  Each  medicine-man  has  his 

232 


THE  FETISH 


233 


own  special  mixture  of  charms  which  he  puts  into  his  own 
image,  which  he  calls  by  a name  that  distinguishes  his  particular 
cult  from  those  of  all  other  medicine-men,  and  the  name  by 
which  his  order  and  his  fetish  are  known  indicates  the  diseases, 
&c.,  which  he  is  supposed  to  control.  In  a large  district  there 
may  be  one,  two,  or  more  members  of  each  order  of  witch-doctors 
operating. 

The  word  nkisi  means  an  image,  a horn,  a shell,  and  in  fact 
it  is  a generic  term  applied  to  anything  into  which  a medicine- 
man has  put  a little  bit  of  every  charm  in  his  bundle ; and  it  is 
not  an  effective  nkisi  until  it  has  passed  through  his  hands. 
He  uses  certain  ceremonies,  and  incantations,  and  an  article 
that  could  formerly  be  kicked  from  place  to  place  becomes  a 
powerful  fetish,  that  can  protect  a pig,  a man,  a cai’avan  of 
traders,  or  a whole  village  ; and  as  these  medicine-men  are  well 
paid  for  making  them,  a large  part  of  their  wealth  is  derived 
from  manufacturing  them.  A wooden  image  that  may  be 
bought  for  a yard  or  two  of  common  calico,  can  be  made  into  a 
strong  fetish  that  will  cost  the  buyer  forty  or  fifty  yards,  or 
even  the  price  of  a slave. 

The  charms  in  the  bundles  ai-e  composed  of  such  articles  as 
those  among  which  the  spirits  delight  to  live,  or  upon  which 
they  like  to  feed ; portions  of  the  charms  from  the  bundles, 
with  the  same  object  of  pleasing  the  spirit,  are  put  into  images, 
horns,  &c.,  so  as  to  induce  the  spirits  to  enter  and  abide  in 
them,  and  thus  come  under  the  control  of  the  witch-doctor  who 
owns  the  bundle  or  image,  and  be  obedient  to  his  behests ; and 
the  buyer  of  a strong  fetish  is  supposed  to  have  a similar  con- 
trolling power  over  the  spirit  that  it  pleases. 

The  witch-doctor  of  every  fetish  cult  can  give  and  cure  a 
disease,  or  ensure  certain  good  or  bad  luck,  hence  there  are  as 
many  witch-doctors  with  their  fetishes  as  there  are  spirits  to  be 
appeased  and  controlled ; and  when  a new  disease  appears,  or  a 
new  calamity  is  to  be  averted,  a new  cult  of  witch-doctors 
comes  into  existence,  with  new  fetish  power  to  control  the  spirit 
that  is  responsible  for  it.  Sometimes  a witch-doctor  will  come 
forward  with  a fetish  of  such  pretensions  that  he  claims  to 


234  CONTENTS  OF  CHARM-BUNDLE 


supersede  all  other  cults  and  their  fetishes,  and  render  the 
exercise  of  their  powers  unnecessary ; but  their  day  is  as  brief 
as  their  arrogant  pretensions  are  great,  and  as  the  fraud  is 
quicky  discovered  they  soon  pass  into  oblivion,  leaving  the 
older  and  less  pretentious  orders  more  firmly  established  than 
ever : e.g.  some  few  years  ago  a witch-doctor  visited  the  towns 
round  San  Salvador  with  a new  power,  called  the  “ divine  fetish” 
(nkisi  a Iciniambe),  and  promised  that  all  who  confessed  their 
witchcraft,  i.e.  all  the  evil  they  had  in  their  hearts  against  any- 
one, and  paid  him  to  perform  certain  rites,  should  never  die. 
He  and  his  assistants  reaped  a rich  harvest  for  a short  time,  but 
when  their  clients  died  like  others,  the  bubble  burst,  and  that 
particular  cult  and  its  fetish  dropped  into  disfavour  and  neglect. 

Here  are  the  contents  of  a charm  bundle  opened  by  my 
friend,  the  late  Dr.  Bentley ; “ It  is  an  open  bag,  7x4  in.,  with 
shoulder-straps,  cleverly  made  of  cotton,  and  appears  to  be  a 
succession  of  button-hole  stitching,  one  row  on  another;  it  is 
like  close  crochet-work.  There  is  a neat  zigzag  pattern  on  it, 
and  the  bag  is  quite  a work  of  art.  It  has  been  often  smeared 
with  blood,  and  there  are  one  or  two  mud-like  patches  on  it  of 
chewed  kola-nut.  What  with  blood  and  kola-nut,  it  is  a filthy 
article.  A monkey’s  tail  is  attached  to  it.  Inside  is  a bundle 
wrapped  in  palm-fibre  cloth.  We  draw  it  out  carefully,  for  it 
is  full  of  a pungent  white  aromatic  powder.  After  sneezing  and 
coughing,  we  proceed  with  our  examination.  The  powder  is 
dry  pipe-clay  mixed  with  pepper.  There  is  found  in  it  a small 
goat’s  horn,  stuffed  with  pipe-clay,  in  which  a small  brown  nut 
shines.  The  point  of  the  horn  is  boi’ed,  and  three  loom-knots 
of  palm-fibre  hang  as  a tassel.  Next,  some  feathers  from  the 
breast  and  wing  of  a guinea-fowl ; two  small  bags  and  cuttings 
of  leopard  skin,  a small  dried  chameleon,  some  wing-cases  of  a 
stag  beetle,  a small  antelope’s  horn,  some  Musa  nuts,  some  tre- 
foil coils  of  cane,  a palm  thorn,  some  beads,  chips  of  ironstone, 
a scarab  beetle,  two  tiny  round  pebbles,  and  a blue  Jaquirity 
bean.  The  powder  and  ‘ mysteries  ’ would  fill  a tumbler.”  ^ 

1 Pioneering  on  the  Congo,  by  W.  H.  Bentley,  p.  257.  Religious  Tract 
Society,  1900. 


CHARMS  OF  VARIOUS  POWERS  235 


The  nkisi  (fetishes,  charms)  are  made  to  meet  every  con- 
ceivable contingency.  They  have  them  for  making  a thief 
invisible  so  that  he  may  steal  with  impunity,  and  also  for  de- 
tecting such  thieves ; for  procuring  the  advantage  in  trading 
transactions ; for  making  children  obedient,  and  dogs  faithful 
and  good  hunters;  for  guarding  a farm,  and  helping  a person 
secretly  to  rob  a farm ; for  aiding  one  to  kill  his  enemy,  at 
the  same  time  protecting  him  from  his  murderous  assaults ; 
for  giving  children,  or  keeping  a person  from  having  a child  : 
for  preserving  a person  on  the  road,  the  river,  or  in  the  town, 
as  well  as  to  bring  bad  luck  to  others  on  their  journeys;  for 
making  a gun  fire  straight,  and  the  guns  of  others  aim 
crookedly.  There  is  no  good  wish  a native  may  have  for  his 
own  advantage,  but  what  he  can  buy  a rikisi  to  aid  him  in  its 
attainment,  and  there  is  no  evil  desire  that  he  may  have  for 
the  misfortune,  sickness,  and  death  of  his  neighbours,  foes,  and 
relatives  but  what  he  can  procure  a nkisi  to  accomplish  them. 

If  a nkisi  fails  to  perform  its  office,  it  must  either  have  a 
sacrifice  offered  to  it,  or  have  its  power  renewed  by  the  witch- 
doctor who  first  made  it,  or  by  a member  of  the  same  cult,  i.e. 
it  is  either  sulky  because  it  has  been  neglected,  or  it  is  weak 
from  loss  of  power.  The  sacrifice  removes  the  sulkiness  and 
restores  it  to  good  humour,  and  the  witch-doctor  restores  its 
power.  When  it  is  desirable  to  wake  up  a nkisi,  it  is  beaten 
with  a stick,  then  put  on  the  ground  and  surrounded  by 
several  small  heaps  of  gunpowder  which  are  exploded,  a whistle 
is  blown  vigorously,  and  the  nkisi  is  held  over  the  smoke,  and 
thus  becomes  alert  to  perform  its  particular  functions. 

I do  not  think  that  there  is  any  idea  of  worship  when  a 
sacrifice  (kimenga)  is  made  to  a fetish,  and  certainly  no  prayers 
are  offered  with  the  sacrifice.  The  root  idea  is  that  in  some 
way  the  sacrifice  renews  the  power  in  the  fetish  image,  or 
bundle  of  charms.  It  refreshes  the  fetish,  and  enables  it  to 
perform  more  effectively  its  office  of  protector  of  its  owner, 
punisher  of  his  enemies,  and  imparter  of  good  fortune.  A 
fowl  or  a goat  is  killed,  and  its  blood  is  poured  over  the  image 
or  charm ; for  these  sacrifices  are  made  not  only  to  images, 


236 


SACRIFICES  TO  FETISHES 


but  also  to  bundles  of  charms.  Sometimes  the  toe  of  a fowl  is 
cut  and  the  blood  is  allowed  to  fall  on  the  fetish,  and  even  the 
toe  of  a frog  is  cut,  and  used  as  a sacrifice.  If  the  fetish  is  to 
be  kept  up  to  its  full  power,  the  sacrifice  should  be  made 
regularly,  e.g.  at  every  new  moon,  or  on  certain  market  days, 
and  the  larger  the  favours  expected  the  more  costly  must  be 
the  sacrifice.  The  fetish  receiving  only  the  drippings  from  a 
fowl’s  or  a fi’og’s  toe  cannot  be  expected  to  confer  large 
favours.  At  the  same  time  some  rikisi  can  only  impart  small 
favours,  and  consequently  it  would  be  waste  to  give  them  large 
sacrifices,  such  as  a fowl  or  goat.  Other  fetishes,  owned  by 
wealthy  men,  give  great  good  fortune,  and  their  rich  owners 
can  afford  to  offer  goats  and  fowl  and  expect  large  favours  in 
return.  The  flesh  of  a sacrifice  must  not  be  sold,  but  eaten 
by  the  man  who  offers  it  and  the  members  of  his  clan.  Sunset 
is  the  usual  time  for  offering  the  sacrifice,  and  the  person  who 
kills  and  offers  it  turns  his  face  towards  the  sun.  A pig  is 
never  offered  as  a sacrifice,  although  they  are  more  plentiful 
than  goats.  My  informants  could  not  guess  the  reason  for 
this  restriction ; but  I think  it  is  probably  reckoned  unclean, 
for  the  planter  of  the  pumpkin  seeds  is  not  allowed  to  eat  it, 
just  before  and  during  the  season  for  planting  them. 

The  following  is  a list  of  their  fetishes,  charms,  and 
amulets;  and  in  drawing  up  the  catalogue  I shall  avoid  as 
much  as  possible  repeating  what  has  been  written  on  the  subject 
in  the  chapter  on  Black  and  White  Magic — in  that  chapter 
you  have  the  operators,  and  in  this,  the  tools,  or  means  by 
which  they  are  supposed  to  do  their  work.  Or  it  may  be 
stated  in  another  way : that  these  are  the  names  of  the  spirits 
that  like  to  dwell  and  feed  on  the  ingredients  put  into  these 
fetishes  and  charms  and  thus  come  under  the  control  of  the 
persons  owning  the  fetishes,  each  of  which  possess  their  names. 
The  fact  that  there  may  be  in  use  simultaneously  1,000  charms 
of  one  particular  name,  as  there  are  many  fetish-men  of  each  cult 
living  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  should  be  no  difficulty  in 
accepting  this  suggestion,  for  the  spirits  may  be  either  ubiquitous, 
or  there  may  be  a large  number  of  each  order  of  spirits. 


THE  LUCK  CHARM 


237 


The  mpungtc  bundle  contains  pieces  of  the  skins  of  every 
strong  animal  obtainable,  and  some  albino’s  hair,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  a very  powerful  charm.  As  this  bundle  is  rather 
awkward  to  carry  about,  pieces  of  all  the  contents  of  the  charm 
bundle  are  put  into  a hole  in  the  head  of  an  image,  which  then 
becomes  a sole  fetish,  able  to  make  its  possessor  acceptable  to 
people  with  whom  he  comes  into  contact,  either  as  traveller, 
trader,  master,  or  lover.  A person  whom  we  regard  as  the 
special  protege  of  Dame  Fortune,  they  think  has  a sole  fetish 
The  price  of  one  of  the  fetishes  is  a slave,  and  a goat  must  be 
sacrificed  to  it  every  new  moon.  The  animal  is  held  over  the 
image,  its  throat  is  cut,  and  the  blood  is  allowed  to  flow  over 
the  fetish. 

There  is  an  image  that  goes  by  the  name  of  nzaji  that 
causes  the  lightning,  and  strikes  with  lightning  those  who  have 
oftended  its  clients.  It  also  imparts  and  cures  skin  diseases 
(see  page  221) ; but  the  most  usual  purpose  to  which  it  is  put 
is  to  tame  slaves  and  bind  them  to  their  masters.  A little 
palm  wine  is  put  into  a hole  in  the  stomach  of  the  image,  and 
mixed  with  herbal  charms ; then  the  slaves  are  brought,  and 
each  gives  a promise  not  to  run  away,  or  leave  his  or  her 
master  under  any  circumstances  without  permission.  They 
each  drink  a little  palm  wine  that  has  been  mixed  in  the  fetish 
image,  and  after  that  they  will  not  dare  to  escape  for  fear  of 
being  struck  by  lightning,  or  being  infected  with  a terrible 
skin  disease. 

When  a person  wants  to  steal  he  takes  an  ehunze  fetish 
image,  and  placing  it  on  the  ground,  he  makes  four  small  heaps 
of  gunpower  round  it,  and  says,  “ Close  So-and-so’s  eyes  that  he 
may  not  see,  and  his  mind  that  he  may  not  know.”  Then  he 
explodes  the  powder,  whistles  with  a small  horn,  and  starts  on 
his  stealing  expedition,  believing  that  he  will  not  be  detected. 
Nevertheless,  he  uses  all  his  cunning  to  avoid  being  seen.  This 
fetish  is  used  to  steal  from  white  and  black  alike,  either  by 
direct  robbery,  or  causing  the  victim  to  pay  twice  for  the  same 
article.  The  word  ehunze  means  a sickness  something  like 
apoplexy,  and  the  medicine-man  of  the  ehunze  order  gives  and 


1 


238 


ALBINO’S  HAIR 


cures  this  disease.  It  is  most  probable  that  a thief  uses  this 
kind  of  fetish  for  his  purpose,  that  his  victim  may  become 
helpless  to  guard  his  property,  or  recognise  the  thief.  Another 
charm  patronised  by  thieves  is  the  ehunge  bundle,  which  is 
supposed  to  render  their  actions  invisible  to  the  onlookers. 
Jugglers  and  witch-doctors  employ  it  for  the  same  purpose, 
that  their  methods  of  performing  their  tricks  may  not  be  ob- 
served by  their  patrons.  It  is  also  supposed  to  make  the 
fighters  in  a war  invulnerable  through  causing  them  to  be 
invisible  to  the  enemy.  To  counteract  these  charms,  and  to 
protect  property,  a pad  (munkata)  of  old  native  cloth  is  twisted 
and  placed  on  the  article  to  be  guarded,  and  the  thief  who  then 
takes  anything  thus  protected  will  suffer  from  swollen  fingers. 

The  hairs  of  an  albino  are  sold  as  very  powerful  charms, 
and  will  fetch  fancy  prices  when  they  are  scarce,  as  they  enter 
largely  into  the  ingredients  of  numerous  charms;  and  if  the 
witch-doctor  who  starts  the  secret  society  of  the  Country-of- 
the-dead  cannot  procure  an  albino  to  live  in  the  lodge,  he  must 
have  some  of  an  albino’s  hair,  or  there  will  be  no  effective  charm 
to  induce  his  clients  to  join  the  society.  An  ordinai-y  person 
always  buries  his  hair  cuttings  and  nail-parings,  for  if  an  enemy 
procui’es  them  he  can  make  with  them  a powerful  charm  (called 
nkisi  a kmdoki)  that  will  cause  sickness  or  death  to  the  person 
who  formerly  owned  them.  After  the  charm  is  made  a few 
hairs  and  nail-parings  are  put  in  the  food  or  drink,  and  death 
quickly  follows. 

A person  who  has  swollen  feet  and  arms,  or  a backache, 
goes  to  a man  or  woman  who  has  been  initiated  into  the  great 
secret  society  of  the  Country-of-the-dead,  and  buys  a special 
charm  (Jeke)  made  of  black  plantain  seeds  (Strelitzia),  which  are 
threaded  on  a string  and  tied  round  the  affected  part.  But  if 
an  uninitiated  person  uses  this  charm  without  having  bought  it 
of  a member  of  the  secret  society,  instead  of  curing  the  com- 
plaint it  will  become  worse.  These  seeds  are  mixed  with,  or 
put  round,  other  charms  to  intensify  their  powers. 

The  mpindi  image  is  carved  with  a large  scrotal  hernia 
(rnpiki),  which  it  causes  in  those  who  come  under  its  malignant 


PROTECTING  FRUIT  TREES  239 


spell.  It  is  used  as  a charm  to  keep  people  from  crossing  a 
farm,  and  it  is  then  represented  by  a hoe  handle  stuck  in  the 
ground,  with  some  manioc  cores  in  a piece  of  old  basket  tied 
to  it.  Any  person  crossing  a farm  thus  protected  will  become 
subject  to  this  complaint,  but  for  obvious  reasons  women  are 
not  affected  by  this  charm.  For  protecting  fruit  trees,  farm 
produce,  food  left  in  the  house,  the  signs  of  a curse  (kandu)  are 
used.  Anything  will  answer  the  purpose,  and  it  gives  any  kind 
of  sickness  to  the  thief  who  disregards  it ; e.g.  a hoe  handle 
stuck  in  the  ground  with  some  manioc  cores  tied  to  it  will 
make  the  thief  very  thin  and  ill.  A stick  with  colours  daubed 
on  it  will  cause  the  fai*m  thief  to  have  a large  swelling  (goitre)  on 
the  neck  ; or  if  the  thief  is  a woman,  and  is  enceinte  at  the  time 
of  stealing,  her  child  will  be  badly  formed.  An  old  basket 
hung  in  a fruit  tree,  or  against  a door,  will  give  backache  to 
the  thief,  or  cause  him  or  her  to  become  sterile.  A stone 
hung  in  a little  palm-basket  with  some  creepers  twisted  round 
it,  and  suspended  from  a nsafu  fruit  tree,  will  give  the  person 
who  steals  from  it,  or  even  attempts  to  climb  the  tree,  a severe 
form  of  hernia.  If  a person  is  called  away  from  his  meal,  he 
will  pretend  to  spit  on  it,  and  no  one  will  dare  to  touch  the 
food  while  he  is  away.  These  various  things  are  not  charms 
in  themselves,  but  are  tokens,  or  warnings  (like  “ Trespassers 
willjbe  Prosecuted”)  put  up  by  the  owners  of  the  goods,  to 
inform  the  thief  that  a curse  is  on  those  things,  and  what  kind 
of  complaint  he  will  get  if  he  risks  the  curse.  They  consider  it 
unfair  to  put  a curse  on  the  stealing  of  an  article  and  not 
indicate  it  in  some  way. 

Horn  charms  seem  to  be  used  in  three  ways ; (a)  carried  as 
ordinary  amulets ; (b)  occasionally,  or  regularly,  licked  by  the 
owner  to  give  him  the  qualities  of  the  animals  and  “ medicines,” 
portions  of  which  have  been  rammed  into  it  by  the  medicine- 
man; (c)  the  plug  is  removed,  and  the  finger  having  been 
wetted  and  rubbed  on  the  “ medicine  ” in  the  horn,  what- 
ever adheres  to  it  is  smeared  on  gun,  knife,  &c.  to  make  it 
powerful  in  accomplishing  its  purpose.  The  “ medicines  ” in 
(a)  may  be  a mixture  of  all  sorts;  in  (b)  are  pieces  of  meat, 


240 


THE  SMITHY  IS  SACRED 


fish,  vegetables,  chalk,  &c.;  and  in  (c)  are  pieces  of  the  skins  of 
strong  and  fierce  animals,  and  powerful  vegetable  poisons. 

When  a man  or  woman  desires  a child  they  take  either  a 
red  bead,  or  a string  of  blue  pipe  beads,  and  put  it  round  the 
neck  of  an  image  called  madia  ( — maria),  which  is  in  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  (called  by  the  natives  nzo  a house  of 

fetishes)  which  is  in  San  Salvador,  or  else  go  to  one  of  their 
medicine-men,  or  to  the  lodge  of  the  secret  society  of  the 
Country-of-the-dead.  A charm  made  of  anything,  and  worn 
about  the  body  to  preserve  the  wearer  from  evil  spirits,  mis- 
fortune, or  sickness,  is  named  nkandikilwa,  and  the  crosses, 
metal  discs,  little  pictures,  &c.,  given  by  Roman  Catholic 
priests  to  be  worn  by  the  native  adherents  of  their  faith 
are  also  called  by  the  same  name. 

The  general  term  for  both  male  and  female  images  is  teke. 
It  is  thought  to  have  been  introduced  by  the  Bateke  people, 
who  are  clever  in  wood-carving.  It  is  easy  to  recognise  the 
district  from  which  an  image  comes,  or  the  locality  in  which 
it  has  been  used  as  a fetish,  because  the  carver  generally 
imitates  in  the  making  of  the  image  the  salient  characteristics 
of  his  clan,  as  mode  of  hair,  dress,  or  beard,  &c.  The  native 
smithy  is  considered  a sacred  place,  and  if  anyone  steals  from 
it,  he  will  either  contract  hernia,  or  become  ill  and  strength- 
less ; and  should  a person  so  far  forget  himself  as  to  sit  on 
the  anvil  he  will  get  swollen  legs  for  his  thoughtlessness.  The 
nkonzo  charm  is  taken  from  the  smithy.  It  consists  of  two  pieces 
of  iron,  some  shredded  grass,  a live  ember,  and  some  sweet- 
smelling hei’bs,  and  they  are  supposed  to  have  the  power  to 
restore  to  health  a person  who  is  weak  from  any  cause. 

If  a child  is  suffering  from  fever,  the  mother  will  make  a 
few  small  incisions  on  the  left  side  of  the  child,  and  catching 
a toad  (kiwula),  she  slightly  cuts  it,  and  rubs  the  cuts  of  the 
toad  on  the  incisions  she  has  made  in  the  child’s  side  so  that 
the  blood  of  child  and  toad  intermingle.  The  toad  is  released, 
and  if  it  dies  the  child  will  also  die ; sometimes  a chicken  is 
used  instead  of  a toad.  A sick  man  takes  a fowl,  cuts  its  toe, 
and  licks  the  blood — he  takes  the  life  of  the  fowl  into  himself. 


By  permission  Oj  the  Baptist  Missionary  Society 

Fetishes  and  Charms,  Lower  Con(;o 

The  images  are  fetishes  of  various  powers ; the  dagger  ha?  a fetish  image  as  a handle  ; the  horns 
contain  charms  for  helping  hunters;  the  small  bundles  are  amulets ; and  the  necklace,  composed 
of  odds  and  ends,  is  powerful  to  protect  the  wearer  from  all  harm.  One  image  has  “strong 
medicine  ” sealed  in  its  stomach  ; and  whoever  drinks  wine  from  the  hole  in  the  stomach  of  the  big 
fetish,  is  protected  from  its  curse. 


/SOS 


TALKING  SHELL 


241 


The  fowl  is  tied  up  and  fed  until  the  man  is  well,  but  if  the 
fowl  dies  the  man  will  die.  A person  must  never  spit  into  the 
fire,  or  he  will  suffer  from  a sickness  in  which  the  blood 
becomes  thin,  the  hair  turns  red,  and  he  will  suffer  from  dropsy 
of  the  stomach.  A leaf  from  the  ngindu-ngindu  tree  is  so 
powerful  that  it  will  counteract  the  evil  influences  of  all  charms 
and  fetishes;  and  should  a medicine-man  find  a leaf  of  this 
tree  in  his  house  he  will  have  to  reinvigorate  all  his  charms, 
for  the  presence  of  this  leaf  nullifies  them  and  renders  them 
useless. 

The  charm  used  by  the  molco  medicine-man,  by  which  he 
ascertains  the  disease  of  his  patient  and  the  best  means  of 
curing  it,  is  a bundle  tied  up  in  native  cloth,  and  suspended  in 
a net,  and  from  the  middle  of  the  bundle  protrudes  the  long, 
strong  beak  of  a heron.  The  stock-in-trade  of  another 
medicine-man  is  a univalve  shell  (nkodia)  with  some  small  stones 
in  it,  and  over  the  opening  of  the  shell  is  a plaster  of  clay  with 
two  fowl’s  feathers  sticking  in  it.  The  owner  shakes  the  shell 
so  that  the  rattling  of  the  stones  is  heard  by  all  present,  and 
then  he  puts  the  shell  to  his  ear,  and  it  tells  him  the  disease 
of  his  patient  and  the  best  means  of  curing  it,  or  whether  or 
not  the  accused  person  has  committed  the  adultery  with 
which  he  is  charged,  or  the  name  of  the  thief  who  has  robbed 
his  client. 

The  hollow  bag  of  a mushroom  {diya)  is  worn  round  the 
neck  as  an  amulet  to  keep  the  wearer  from  forgetting,  i.e.  it 
is  a charm  against  a bad  memory ; and  a shell  with  charms  in 
it,  called  Icimbaji-mhaji  ( = “ to-morrow  ”) , is  employed  to 
cause  your  enemy  to  put  off’  his  evil  intentions  towards  you 
until  to-morrow,  and  as  to-morrow  never  comes  you  are  thus 
able  to  escape  his  malice.  There  is  a fetish  that  causes  the 
stoutest  person  to  become  a skeleton  no  matter  how  much  he 
may  eat;  another  that  imparts  pneumonia,  pleurisy,  and  other 
chest  complaints ; another  that  causes  scrofula ; another  that 
is  supposed  to  give  deep-seated  ulcers.  There  is  also  a fetish 
image  by  the  power  of  which  love-philtres  are  made ; and 
another  that  gives  asthma,  bronchitis,  &c.  The  mpongo  pot 

a 


242 


SCARECROWS 


is  a saucepan  partly  filled  with  water  and  placed  in  the  bush 
near  the  entrance  to  a town  as  a protective  fetish.  The 
medicine-man  when  he  prepares  this  charm  puts  something 
into  the  water  to  make  it  fizz,  and  the  folk  think  it  is  very 
powerful  because  “ the  water  boils  without  fire.”  It  is  employed 
to  make  an  enemy  forget  to  do  evil  to  those  who  are  protected 
by  it.  There  are  thirty  other  different  fetish  images  and 
charms  of  various  powers,  and  used  for  a large  variety  of 
purposes;  but  as  many  of  them  are  incidentally  mentioned 
in  other  chapters  it  is  not  necessary  to  repeat  the  informa- 
tion here. 

Just  as  we  use  scarecrows  (kakungii)  in  England,  so  the 
people  do  on  the  Congo,  and  these  are  often  mistaken  for 
charms.  Four  faces  are  roughly  carved  on  pieces  of  wood,  and 
put,  one  at  each  corner  of  a peanut  field,  to  frighten  away 
antelopes.  To  drive  away  predatory  birds,  the  feathers  of 
birds  are  scattered  about,  and  bunches  of  feathers  are  tied  to 
strings  so  that  they  wave  to  and  fro  in  the  breeze.  To  keep 
monkeys  away  from  the  farms,  the  owners  paint  the  near  trees 
with  various  bright  colours;  and  in  some  farms  bunches  of 
grass  are  tied  to  resemble  a man,  and  to  make  the  resemblance 
stronger,  an  old  gun  or  a piece  of  wood  roughly  carved  to 
represent  a gun  is  put  over  the  shoulder  of  this  straw  figure, 
which  is  called  mama— fool. 

Fetishes  can  be  hired  at  so  much  per  day.  A man  is  sick 
and  thinks  that  a certain  fetish  will  do  him  good,  so  he  sends 
a fee  to  its  owner,  and  the  fetish  is  brought  and  fixed  near  the 
patient,  who  then  looks  at  it,  talks  to  it,  and  asks  it  to  use  its 
power  to  cure  him.  The  fetish  must  be  returned  next  day  or 
another  day’s  hire  sent,  for  the  fetish  will  not  benefit  the  man 
unless  it  is  his  property.  If  the  fee  is  a fowl  then  when  the 
fowl  is  killed  its  blood  is  poured  over  the  fetish  image  or 
bundle.  If  the  person  sent  to  hire  a fetish  happens  to  fall  in 
the  road  while  he  is  carrying  it,  then  he  must  lie  there  until  the 
medicine-man  who  owned  the  fetish  comes  and  picks  him  and 
the  fetish  up  from  the  ground.  For  this  mishap  he  must  pay 
a goat  to  the  medicine-man  to  restore  the  fetish  to  its  former 


KILLING  SPIRITS  243 

dignity  and  prestige,  and  the  blood  of  that  goat,  when  killed, 
is  poured  over  the  degraded  fetish. 

I want  to  close  this  chapter  by  giving  other  methods  of 
destroying  the  spirits  of  the  dead  besides  burning  them.  About 
1905  a native  of  a town  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district  had  an 
abscess  on  his  cheek,  which  after  a time  broke  and  healed ; but 
some  four  or  five  months  later  another  abscess  stai’ted  on  his 
left  side.  A native  doctor  was  called  who  gave  him  many 
purges,  anointed  him  with  “ medicines,”  and  let  out  a quantity 
of  blood  by  cupping.  In  1908  the  man  became  again  so  ill, 
that  the  medicine-man  was  called,  and  after  he  had  studied  the 
case,  he  said  the  man  would  die  because  the  spirit  (jikwiyd)  of 
his  wife’s  first  husband  was  in  him  doing  him  to  death  on 
account  of  his  having  mamed  his  (spirit’s)  widow.  The 
woman’s  family  was  very  angry  at  this  diagnosis,  for  they 
said,  “ No  one  will  marry  her  for  fear  of  being  bewitched  by 
the  spirits  of  her  two  former  husbands.” 

A week  later  the  man  died,  and  most  of  the  people  left  the 
town  from  fear  that  deceased’s  own  spirit,  and  the  other  spirit 
that  possessed  him,  would  bewitch  them.  A great  witch-doctor 
was  sent  for,  as  it  was  thought  that  only  one  at  the  head  of 
his  profession  could  deal  with  such  an  important  case.  This 
man  came  with  all  his  paraphernalia  and  cut  four  short  reeds. 
These  he  filled  with  gunpowder,  and  buried  two  of  them  at 
the  foot,  and  the  other  two  at  the  head,  of  the  spirit-possessed 
man’s  grave.  He  then  solemnly  assured  the  people  that  these 
“ four  guns  ” would  shoot  the  spirits,  so  there  was  no  need  to 
fear  them.  To  make  the  matter  doubly  sure  he  put  small 
packets  of  native  red  peppers  on  all  the  roads  leading  to  the 
town,  as  all  evilly-disposed  spirits  have  a great  horror  of  red 
pepper,  and  will  not  come  near  it. 

This  burying  of  pretend-guns  in  the  grave  ot  the  person 
whose  spirit  is  to  be  killed  is  a very  common  trick,  and  is 
worked  for  all  that  it  is  worth  ; but  it  is  necessary  to  ring  the 
changes  occasionally  by  performing  a trick  that  requires  a 
little  more  elaboration.  The  witch-doctor  has  been  called  to 
a family  suffering  from  much  and  frequent  illness,  and  the 


244 


KILLING  SPIRITS 


sentence  of  extinction  has  been  passed  on  the  spirit  of  a 
deceased  member  of  the  family. 

On  the  appointed  day  the  witch-doctor  takes  his  loaded 
gun,  accompanied  by  many  members  of  the  family  and  several 
neighbours,  to  the  grave  of  the  man  with  the  evilly-disposed  spirit. 
He  lays  his  gun  near  the  grave,  and  taking  a hoe  he  begins  to 
dig  down  to  the  corpse.  When  all  present  have  been  worked 
up  to  the  necessary  pitch  by  the  patter  of  the  witch-doctor  he 
suddenly  throws  down  his  hoe,  and  screams  out  that  the  witch 
is  coming  out  of  the  grave.  Immediately  on  hearing  such  a 
cry  the  people  run  helter-skelter  in  all  directions,  not  daring 
to  look  round  ; the  “ doctor  ” takes  out  from  a fold  in  his  cloth 
a fowl’s  bladder  filled  with  blood,  which  he  has  prepared  for 
the  purpose,  and  quickly  squeezing  out  the  blood  into  the  hole 
he  fires  his  gun,  and  then  calls  on  the  people  to  return,  assur- 
ing them  that  it  is  now  all  right.  They  flock  back  that  they 
may  see  the  blood  as  a proof  that  he  has  destroyed  the  witch 
(ndoki).  After  this  evidence  of  his  prowess  has  been  shown  to 
all,  the  grave  is  filled  again,  and  the  family  is  supposed  to 
regain  its  normal  state  of  health.  On  one  occasion  one  of  our 
school  lads  remained  behind,  unnoticed  by  the  witch-doctor, 
and  saw  the  whole  affair,  and  denounced  the  trick  to  his  family 
and  neighbours,  and  the  “ doctor  ” was  glad  to  escape  with  his 
life ; and  this  was  how  we  came  to  know  the  way  they  carry 
out  this  method  of  killing  a spirit. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


TABOOS,  FIRST-FRUITS,  AND  OMENS 

There  is  scarcely  a food  but  what  is  taboo  to  some  one — 
vegetable,  animal,  poultry,  or  insects ; and  in  regard  to 
conduct,  taboo  is  largely  responsible  for  the  conservatism 
of  the  people ; it  maintains  the  status  quo,  and  threatens  with 
misfortune  anyone  who  departs  from  it.  Taboos  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes — the  inherited  taboo  (mpangu),  and  the 
personal  taboo  (nlongo):  the  former  is  always  permanent,  while 
the  latter  is  often  temporary.  In  some  districts  the  word 
konko  (= prohibition,  command,  law)  is  used  more  freely  than 
mpangu,  and  one  often  hears  in  relation  to  some  taboo  that  it 
is  the  “ prohibition  of  the  father  ” {konko  kia  ‘se). 

The  inherited  taboo  passes  from  father  to  son — it  is  about 
the  only  thing  that  the  sons  inherit  from  their  father ; and  so 
long  as  the  daughters  form  a part  of  their  father’s  household, 
or  remain  unmarried,  they  must  observe  it,  but  when  they 
marry  they  generally  drop  their  father’s  taboo,  and  follow  that 
of  their  husband’s,  i.e.  the  one  he  has  inherited  from  his  father. 

Sometimes  the  father  will  tell  his  child  of  this  taboo ; but 
in  most  cases,  when  the  woman  is  near  her  confinement,  a 
medicine-man  is  called,  who  orders  a feast,  which  is  eaten  by 
the  same  clan  only  as  the  woman ; and  the  medicine-man, 
knowing  the  taboo  {mpangu)  of  the  child’s  father,  says  that  the 
child  is  not  to  eat  certain  things,  mentioning  the  taboos  that 
the  father  inherited,  and  thus  passing  them  on  to  his  child. 
Henceforth  to  the  child  they  become  tabooed  things  {lekwa  ya 
mpangu),  and  to  fail  in  the  strict  observance  of  this  interdiction 
means  dire  consequences  to  the  child — either  a bad  disease  ora 
great  misfortune,  or  an  illness  that  will  be  sure  to  end  in  death. 
In  one  family,  the  inherited  taboo  is  not  to  eat  any  wild 

245 


246 


INHERITED  TABOOS 


animal  or  fish  with  spots  on  it,  such  as  the  striped  antelope, 
civet  cats,  leopards,  shrimps,  &c.,  and  the  penalty  for  breaking 
this  taboo  is  a very  bad  skin  disease — a form  of  leprosy.  The 
idea  here  was  to  avoid  any  flesh  foods  with  spots  on  it,  or  spots 
would  break  out  on  the  eater’s  body.  The  inherited  taboo  of 
another  lad  is  not  to  eat  hippopotamus  flesh,  or  yams,  the 
penalty  being  elephantiasis ; not  to  eat  crayfish,  the  penalty 
being  a skin  disease  on  the  hand ; not  to  eat  raw  palm-nuts, 
the  penalty  being  an  outbreak  of  scald  head ; not  to  eat  a 
fish  with  opal  eyes  (the  nlumbu),  the  penalty  for  so  doing  being 
ophthalmia  and  loss  of  eyelashes;  not  to  eat  the  great  bull 
frog  (ezunda),  or  the  eyes  would  bulge  out  like  the  frog’s. 
Here  the  penalties  are  in  accord  with  the  broken  prohibitions  ; 
— eating  hippopotamus  causes  elephantiasis,  or  legs  like  the 
legs  of  a hippopotamus ; eating  a fish  with  opal  eyes — very 
uncommon  on  the  Lower  Congo — causes  bad  eyes  ; and  eating 
the  frog  causes  bulging  eyes.  These  animals  which  are  their 
inherited  taboos  do  not  act  as  omens  to  them,  neither  do  they 
regard  them  with  respect ; for  they  will  help  to  kill  them — they 
only  have  “ not  to  eat  them  ” for  fear  of  the  penalties.  I have 
spoken  to  some  who  have  told  me  that  “ there  are  no  such 
prohibitions  ” in  their  families ; and  another  well-informed  man 
told  me  that  anyone  could  eat  things  prohibited  by  his  inherited 
taboo  without  evil  consequences,  if  he  ate  them  fearlessly,  and 
did  not  boast  about  what  he  had  done,  i.e.  if  he  thought  they 
would  not  hurt  him,  had  no  conscience  in  the  matter,  and 
did  not  let  the  ever-listening  spirits  hear  that  he  had  broken 
his  taboo. 

The  individual,  or  personal  taboo  (nlongo)  is  not  inherited, 
but  is  sometimes  lifelong,  and  at  other  times  it  is  to  be  observed 
for  a short  period  only.  It  means,  “ medicine,  poison,  fetish,” 
and  hence  taboo.  Its  restrictions  are  quite  empirical,  and  are 
made  according  to  the  whimsical  fancies  of  whatever  “doctor” 
may  be  called  in  to  treat  the  patient. 

When  a person  is  ill,  the  medicine-man  says  that  the  patient 
is  not  to  eat  a certain  kind  of  food,  and  for  ever  after  that  the 
prohibited  thing  is  taboo  {nlongo)  to  him.  To  eat  it  is  to 


TEMPORARY  TABOOS 


247 


break  the  protective  spell  and  incur  a return  of  the  complaint. 
The  article  prohibited  is  quite  arbitrary,  there  being  no 
relation  whatever  between  the  forbidden  thing  and  the  disease  ; 
e.g.  I knew  a native  woman  who  was  troubled  with  fits,  and 
the  “ doctor  ” told  her  she  was  never  to  look  in  a looking-glass 
or  gaze  at  her  reflection  in  a stream.  In  one  or  two  cases  I 
know,  the  men  are  not  to  eat  any  form  of  cassava  throughout 
the  whole  of  their  lives,  which  is  like  prohibiting  an  English- 
man from  eating  flour  in  any  form,  whether  as  bread,  pastry, 
pudding,  &c.  A looking-glass  is  taboo  to  a child,  for  if  it 
looks  into  one,  it  will  start  in  its  sleep  and  have  bad  dreams. 

Sometimes  the  taboo  (nlongo)  is  only  for,  say,  six  months, 
and  then  the  “doctor”  removes  it  and  receives  his  fee.  At 
times  it  is  put  on  an  unborn  babe,  and  is  to  remain  on  it  until 
its  hair  is  cut  and  its  nails  trimmed,  and  when  the  time  comes 
the  “ doctor  ” is  sent  for  to  cut  the  hair  and  nails,  and  take 
away  the  taboo.  In  some  cases  the  taboo  is  placed  on  a child 
until  it  marries,  or  until  it  has  a child,  or  until  it  gives  birth 
to  both  a boy  and  a girl.  The  taboo  may  be  the  snout  of  a pig, 
or  the  whole  of  pig  meat ; the  head  of  a goat,  or  every  part  of 
a goat ; certain  kinds  of  fish,  or  one  or  two  kinds  of  vegetables. 

In  some  parts  the  fetish  taboo  (nZong’o)  and  the  interdiction 
(konko)  are  equivalent,  while  in  other  districts  the  konko  carries 
with  it  the  idea  of  prohibition,  command,  or  regulation  made 
by  a chief,  or  a medicine-man,  and  can  thus  be,  on  the  one 
hand,  a taboo  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  town  over  which 
the  chief  rules,  when  it  is  equal  to  a command  or  law,  and  on 
the  other  hand  a taboo  put  by  a “ doctor  ” on  a person  for  his 
benefit.  Sometimes,  through  much  sickness  in  a town,  or  on 
account  of  bad  luck  experienced  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
or  on  account  of  drought,  or  because  many  pigs  or  goats  have 
died,  or  the  animals  and  fowls  will  not  breed  properly,  the 
whole  town  is  placed  under  certain  restrictions,  such  as  “ that 
nothing  tied  up  is  to  be  carried  into  or  through  the  town,”  and 
consequently  all  bundles  and  parcels  must  be  undone  outside 
the  town  and  carried  loosely  into  it ; or  the  restriction  may  be 
that  no  water  is  to  be  carried  into  the  town  on  the  head  of  any 


248 


TABOOS  ON  WOMEN 


person,  and  thus  every  woman  as  she  draws  near  to  the  town 
takes  her  water-bottle  from  its  well-poised  position  on  her  head, 
and  carries  it  in  her  arms.  Such  restrictions  are  removed  when 
they  are  supposed  to  have  served  their  purpose.  In  the  case  of 
the  temporary  taboos  the  “ doctor  ” does  not  receive  his  fee 
until  he  goes  and  removes  them  from  his  patients. 

In  the  district  of  Ngombe  Lutete  the  women  will  not  eat 
the  cat-fish  or  baghre  {ngola)  for  fear  of  barrenness,  and  for 
the  same  reason  the  women  around  San  Salvador  will  eat  no 
birds  except  the  African  partridge  {ngumbe)  and  the  guinea- 
fowl  {nkelele)  until  they  have  given  birth  to  a boy  and  a girl. 
Another  taboo  (called  nkamba),  usually  forbidding  the  eating 
of  one  of  the  siluroids  or,  occasionally,  goat’s  flesh,  may  be  laid 
on  a woman  for  a time  only,  e.g.  until  a child  is  born  or  weaned, 
or  until  both  a boy  and  a girl  have  been  born.  When  children 
of  a married  couple  have  died  in  succession,  a medicine-man 
will  recommend  that  the  influence  of  the  fetish  power  of  zcumba 
should  be  invoked,  and  a ceremony  (described  on  page  228)  is 
performed.  This  is  followed  by  a feast,  in  which  the  couple 
eat  some  goat,  pork,  fish,  and  eels,  and  afterwards  certain  foods 
are  tabooed  to  both  the  man  and  woman.  The  first  child 
born  to  them  after  the  invocation  of  this  particular  fetish 
power  is  always  named  Wumba.  For  a month  after  confine- 
ment it  is  taboo  (nlongo)  for  the  woman  to  cook  for  a man,  or 
to  touch  a man,  or  anything  belonging  to  him ; even  her 
husband’s  food  must  not  be  cooked  in  her  house. 

During  the  “ honeymoon  ” the  new  bride  must  not  mention 
her  husband’s  name,  but  after  that  period  is  over  she  may  use 
his  Portuguese  name  (santu).  As  a rule,  however,  in  address- 
ing their  husbands,  the  women  do  not  use  either  the  native 
name  or  the  santu,  but  just  say  “ E ngeye”  (=0  you).  There 
is  no  punishment  if  they  do  mention  his  native  name  during 
the  “honeymoon,”  beyond  the  fact  that  other  women  regard 
them  with  surprise,  talk  about  them,  and  consider  them  lacking 
in  proper  modesty.  The  name  of  the  dead  is  tabooed,  and  is 
therefore  never  mentioned,  but  if  it  is  necessary  to  refer  to  the 
deceased  one,  they  call  him  "“old  what’s  his  name”  {nTculu 


THE  MOTHER-IN-LAW 


249 


nengandi)  or  “ old  Peter  ” (nkulu  Mpetelo),  or  “ of  the  name  of 
Peter  ” (ejina  dia  Mpetelo).  Any  photographs  of  the  deceased 
are  torn  up,  all  signs  of  him  removed  from  the  house,  and 
every  effort  is  made  to  forget  him.  In  the  native  week  there 
are  four  days,  each  day  having  a name  denoting  the  markets 
held  on  that  day,  and  on  two  of  these  days  {Nkenge  and  Konzo) 
it  is  taboo  for  them  to  bury  the  dead.  Whether  these  days 
are  bad  for  the  deceased,  because  of  being  unfavourable  to  a 
good  reception  in  the  spirit  town,  or  unlucky  for  the  mourners, 
we  do  not  know,  as  the  reason  for  the  prohibition  is  entirely 
forgotten. 

It  is  taboo  for  a man  to  speak  to  his  mother-in-law,  but  if 
it  is  necessary  for  them  to  hold  communication,  a messenger 
must  be  employed.  Should  a man  meet  his  mother-in-law  in 
the  road  by  accident  no  fine  is  inflicted,  but  if  he  sees  her 
coming  and  does  not  attempt  to  evade  her  by  going  into  the 
bush,  or  round  the  houses,  then  public  opinion  will  so  strongly 
condemn  him  that  he  will  be  compelled  to  send  her  a goat  and 
an  apology.  A man  must  respect  his  mother-in-law,  and  the 
natives  say  that  the  only  way  he  can  do  that  is  never  to  speak 
to  her,  look  at  her,  or  be  in  her  company.  I have  asked 
several  old  and  intelligent  men  the  reason  for  this  prohibition, 
and  the  invariable  answer  has  been,  “ My  wife  came  from  her 
womb”;  but  my  own  opinion  is  that  the  restriction  put  on  all 
communications  between  them,  and  so  stringently  enforced,  is 
in  order  to  avoid  all  possibility  of  incest. 

The  forge  of  a native  blacksmith  is  considered  sacred  by 
the  people,  and  they  never  steal  from  it.  If  any  one  did  so  he 
would  be  punished  by  contracting  a severe  form  of  hernia 
(mpiki) ; and  if  any  one  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to  sit  on  the 
anvil,  his  legs  would  become  swollen.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
blacksmith  must  not  charge  for  mending  a hoe,  or  for  putting 
a new  handle  to  a hoe;  hut  he  may  receive  an  offering  of  not 
more  than  one  string  of  common  blue  pipe  beads. 

These  examples  only  illustrate  a tithe  of  the  taboos  to  be 
found  among  the  people  ; for  the  lives  of  the  natives  are  affected 
and  largely  regulated  by  taboos,  which  must  not  be  lightly 


250 


BREAKING  THE  TABOO 


pooh-poohed,  as  their  health,  good  luck,  and  happiness  are 
assured  by  their  observance,  or  imperilled  by  their  disregard  of 
them.  The  taboos  are  the  “ Thou  shalt  nots  ” of  the  native 
religion.  Is  a man  suffering  from  a disease  or  a series  of  mis- 
fortunes ? then  consciously  or  unconsciously  he  has  broken  one 
of  the  “ Thou  shalt  nots,”  and  uncleanness,  moral  impurity,  sin 
if  you  like,  has  followed  on  the  breaking  of  the  taboo,  and 
as  a result  punishment  has  ensued.  “ Whoso  breaketh  an  hedge, 
a serpent  shall  bite  him,”  is  recognised  by  these  primitive 
people  as  being  as  true  to-day  as  it  was  when  uttered  in  ancient 
times. 

How  can  the  man  free  himself  from  the  trouble  that  he 
regards  as  a punishment,  because  either  he  himself,  or  one  of 
his  family,  has  broken  a taboo,  or  otherwise  offended  the  spirits  ? 
He  selects  and  fees  the  medicine-man  whom  he  thinks  has  the 
ability  to  put  him  right  with  the  powers  that  be,  by  performing 
certain  rites  and  ceremonies;  and  if  he  recovers  his  normal 
condition,  then  he  is  fortunate  in  his  first  selection  of  the 
medium  for  the  readjustment ; but  if  the  trouble  is  not  removed, 
he  then  goes  to  other  medicine-men  in  search  of  relief,  i.e.  in 
the  hope  of  finding  the  one  who  will  be  able  to  appease  the 
particular  power  that  has  been  offended  by  the  breaking  of  the 
taboo,  or  some  other  overt  act  of  his. 

A parent  can  bless  his  children  by  strictly  observing  the 
taboo  (mpangu),  or  he  can  curse  them  by  breaking  it ; e.g.  if 
the  taboo  is  not  to  eat  hippopotamus  flesh,  or  yams,  the  father 
who  observes  it  is  supposed  to  pass  on  to  his  children  an 
immunity  from  elephantiasis;  but  if  he  break  that  taboo  then 
he  curses  his  children  by  rendering  them  liable  to  that  particular 
disease,  which  is  the  penalty  for  breaking  that  taboo.  So 
careful  are  they  to  keep  this  taboo  that  they  will  not  risk 
bi’eaking  it  by  eating  yams,  solely  because,  I think,  the  name 
for  yams  {kzoa  nguvu)  is  similar  to  the  name  for  hippopo- 
tamus (nguvu). 

A clear  distinction  must  be  kept  in  mind  between  the 
troubles  that  come  on  a person  from  breaking  a taboo,  and 
those  that  arise  from  witchcraft;  and  the  difference  is  often 


MEDICINE-MEN  AND  TABOOS  251 


difficult  to  trace,  because  the  native  is  ever  reluctant  to  admit 
of  his  ovrn  guilt,  and  that  he  is  suffering  the  penal  consequences 
of  “ breaking  through  the  hedge,”  but  is  always  ready  to  place 
his  sufferings  to  the  credit  of  witchcraft — i.e.  that  someone  else 
is  wicked,  not  he ; but  that  point,  whether  witchcraft  or  a 
broken  taboo  is  the  cause  of  the  complaint,  is  usually  decided 
by  the  medicine-man  himself. 

How  did  the  taboo  originate?  Well,  so  far  as  Congo  is 
concerned,  I think  the  various  medicine-men  are  responsible  for 
the  taboos,  because  by  them  they  leave  a loophole  of  reasonable 
excuse  for  their  failures  to  effect  a cure — so  and  so  has  not 
happened  as  it  should  because  a taboo  has  been  disregarded,  or 
something  has  been  done  that  should  not  have  been  done,  or 
left  undone  that  should  have  been  done;  and  the  native  is 
satisfied  with  the  reason,  and  is  willing  to  pay  the  fee  to  have 
the  matter  set  right. 

The  following  is  an  example  of  how  the  status  quo  is  main- 
tained. In  1909  a man  named  Kiala  of  Wombe  was  ill  with  a 
severe  cough  and  bad  chest,  and  on  the  complaint  growing 
worse,  a medicine-man  of  the  hitodi  cult  was  called  in  to  dis- 
cover what  retarded  the  patient’s  recovery.  On  arrival  the 
“ doctor  ” took  his  fetish  and  locked  himself  in  a house.  He 
told  the  people  they  would  see  the  house  shake  as  they  heard 
the  voices  of  the  spirits  {nkwiya)  talking  to  him.  The  bitodi 
fetish  spoke  and  the  spirits  answered,  and  the  voices  of  young 
and  old  men, of  young  and  old  women,  were  heard  in  conversation. 
After  a long  consultation  between  the  fetish  and  the  spirits, 
the  medicine-man  came  out  and  said,  “ When  the  brother  of 
the  sick  man  married,  he  did  not  give  any  palm  wine  to  his 
wife’s  family,  and  consequently  this  sickness  has  come  as  a 
punishment  for  breaking  a country  custom.”  The  spirit 
(nkwiya)  also  stated  through  the  “ doctor,”  “ One  or  two  of 
the  three  sisters  of  the  sick  man  was  a witch  (ndoki),  and  they 
all  three  must  bless  the  patient,  so  as  to  remove  the  evil  influ- 
ence.” The  breaking  of  the  country  custom  by  a brother 
caused  the  sickness,  and  the  witchcraft  of  a sister  kept  Kiala 
from  getting  well.  The  sisters  one  by  one  took  their  sick 


252 


FIRST-FRUITS 


brother’s  right  hand,  and,  having  pretended  to  spit  on  it,  said, 
“ May  you  have  blessings  and  good  fortune  ” (Ovw'  e nsavibu  yo 
malawu).  The  medicine-man  in  this  case,  to  prove  his  power, 
heated  a matchet  red-hot  three  times,  and  licked  it  each  time. 
He  received  as  a fee  for  his  services  an  amount  equal  to  twenty- 
four  shillings. 

First-fniits  and  Planting. — Of  the  first  farm  produce  of 
the  season  of  maize,  peanuts,  and  beans,  one  of  each  is  thrown 
towards  the  rising  sun.  The  practice  is  to  eat  one  and  throw 
one,  saying,  “We  are  eating  them  for  ever,  or  from  year  to 
year  ” ( Tudianga  zo  (or  mo)  yaniu  mvu  ya  mvu).  There  is  a 
somewhat  similar  custom  respecting  the  first  tooth  that  comes 
out  of  a child.  It  is  thrown  towards  the  rising  sun,  with  the 
words,  “ Bring  me  a new  tooth  when  you  come  again,”  and  at 
the  same  time  a piece  of  charcoal  is  thrown  towards  the  west, 
with  the  formula,  “ Take  away  my  old  tooth,  I do  not  want  it 
again.”  At  San  Salvador  a lad  gives  his  first  rat,  or  his  first 
bird,  to  his  father,  his  mother,  or  his  uncle.  And  the  first  of 
almost  everything  is  given  by  the  recipient  to  a member  of  his 
family,  as  fii'st  payment  received  for  work,  &c. 

Women  must  remain  chaste  while  planting  pumpkin  and 
calabash  seeds,  and  they  must  wash  their  hands  before  touching 
the  seeds.  Neither  may  they  eat  pig-meat  during  the  planting 
of  these  particular  seeds.  If  a woman  does  not  observe  these 
taboos,  she  must  not  plant  the  seeds,  or  the  crop  will  be  a 
failure ; she  may  make  the  holes,  and  her  baby  girl,  or  another 
who  has  obeyed  the  restrictions,  can  drop  in  the  seed  and  cover 
them  over.  They  never  cook  pumpkin  leaves  with  palm  oil,  as 
they  believe  that  their  mouths  and  noses  would  rot  away  (from 
lupus)  after  eating  the  mixture.  The  leaves  are  cooked  and 
eaten  by  themselves  without  any  ill  effect. 

Omens  are,  in  some  instances,  another  form  of  taboo,  i.e.  a 
taboo  on  certain  actions  which,  if  done,  will  bring  trouble  on 
the  doer  of  them,  or  upon  the  person  to  whom  they  are  done. 
To  strike  the  foot  {ta  esakuba)  .against  anything  is  regarded  as 
very  unfortunate.  If  it  is  done  on  the  road  it  is  thought  to  be  a 
very  bad  omen,and  when  it  happens,  men  on  a journey  will  return 


OMENS 


253 


to  the  nearest  town  and  start  again  a few  hours  later,  or  the 
next  day.  Some  turn  round  and  strike  the  object  again  with 
the  foot  to  remove  or  undo  the  evil  effects  of  the  first  striking. 
A man  knocking  his  foot  on  the  way  to  a hunt  will  turn  back, 
for  he  knows  he  will  have  no  success.  Men  going  to  fight 
another  town  have  to  jump  over  the  saucepan  of  the  medicine- 
man, and  if  one  of  them  strikes  his  foot  against  it  he  is  forcibly 
restrained  from  going  to  the  fight,  for  he  will  be  killed.  To 
step  over  a person’s  body  or  legs  will  cause  ill-luck  to  that 
person,  and  is  most  carefully  avoided,  for  the  man  passing  out 
of  a crowd  of  sitting  men  will  shuffle  his  feet  along  the  ground, 
and  thus  avoid  lifting  them,  so  as  not  be  charged  with  bringing 
bad  luck  on  anyone.  Should  he  inadvertently  step  over  any- 
one, he  stands  still  with  his  legs  astride,  and  the  other  man 
crawls  between  them,  and  undoes  the  evil  effect.  A cock 
crowing  at  the  wrong  hour  is  killed  because  it  is  an  omen  of 
some  ill-fortune.  From  8 p.m.  to  1 a.m.  is  regarded  as  an  ill- 
omened  time  for  crowing.  If  the  blue  plantain-eater  {ntoyo) 
chirps  near  a man’s  house  early  in  the  morning,  it  is  a sign  of 
death. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


DIAGNOSIS  AND  DIVINATION 

The  greatest  difficulty  experienced  by  medical  men  prac- 
tising their  healing  art  among  such  primitive  peoples  as 
are  found  on  the  Congo,  and  in  other  parts  of  Africa,  is 
to  extract  from  their  patients  a clear  description  of  the  symp- 
toms of  the  complaint  from  which  they  are  suffering.  For 
untold  generations  the  people  have  expected  their  medicine-men, 
unaided  by  any  examination  or  close  questioning  of  the  patients, 
to  discover  their  diseases  and  prescribe  for  them.  It  is  their 
business  to  do  so,  and  their  success  or  failure  in  this  particular 
is  a test  of  the  genuineness  of  their  claim  to  pose  as  medicine- 
men. The  natives,  therefore  could  not  understand  the  white 
doctor  looking  at  the  tongue,  feeling  the  pulse,  sounding  the 
chest,  listening  for  the  heart  murmurs,  &c.  Their  first  attitude 
was  that  of  suspicion  of  his  ability  to  heal,  and  utter  contempt 
for  his  methods ; but  these  gave  way  to  a tacit  acknowledgment 
of  benefits  received,  and  later  to  a keen  appreciation  of  his 
abilities,  and  such  admiration  for  his  marvellous  powers,  that 
some  of  them  wonder  why  white  folk  are  silly  enough  to  die 
when  they  have  such  wonderful  medicine-men  at  their  com- 
mand. 

There  was  not  only  this  suspicion  about  the  white  doctor 
and  his  medicine,  and  extreme  shyness  in  describing  their 
symptoms;  but  there  was  also  a great  paucity  of  symptom- 
words.  To  “ have  a head,”  or  “ have  a stomach,”  or  “ have  an 
arm,”  were  about  the  only  native  phrases  for  all  kinds  of  pains 
in  the  part  mentioned,  arising  from  any  and  every  cause. 
When  they  were  without  pain  they  scarcely  recognised  the 
existence  of  their  bodies,  and  it  was  the  medicine-man’s  duty 
to  find  out  why  any  particular  member  of  their  body,  where 

254 


AVERSION  TO  EXAMINATION  255 


the  pain  was  located,  should  obtrude  itself  on  their  notice.  All 
that  the  patient  had  to  do  was  to  send  for  the  medicine-man 
and  he  did  the  i-est — even  to  guessing  the  position  of  the 
complaint  and  its  nature. 

The  aversion  of  the  natives  to  an  examination  of  any  kind, 
their  ignorance  of  physiology,  their  inability  to  note  their 
symptoms,  and  the  lack  of  useful  words  descriptive  of  their 
pains,  &c.,  were  great  hindrances  to  a proper  diagnosis  of  their 
maladies,  and  also  frequently  an  obstacle  to  a successful  treat- 
ment of  them ; but  in  spite  of  these  disabilities  European 
doctors  have  made  great  strides  in  relieving  native  suffering, 
disarming  their  suspicions,  destroying  their  superstitions,  and 
winning  the  confidence  and  entire  faith  of  the  people.  No 
body  of  men  has  done  more  to  raise  the  status  of  the  white 
man  in  the  opinion  of  the  natives  than  the  doctors,  of  what- 
ever nationality,  who  have  so  ungrudgingly  devoted  their  time, 
their  skill,  their  health,  and,  in  some  cases,  their  lives  for  the 
alleviation  of  pain,  the  saving  of  life,  and  the  hygienic  better- 
ment of  the  natives  of  the  Congo. 

The  writer  has  had  no  medical  training,  but  in  the  early 
eighties  he  found  at  San  Salvador  a good  stock  of  simple 
medicines,  and  a supply  of  medical  works,  the  former  belonging 
to  the  mission — which  has  always  recognised  that  the  souls  of 
the  people  are  in  bodies  that  need,  at  times,  medical  treatment  ^ 
— and  the  latter  to  a colleague  who  had  gone  to  another  station. 
Although  he  had  no  special  training,  he  thought  that  whatever 
he  did  in  the  way  of  doctoring  would  be  better  than  what  the 
natives  could  do  for  themselves,  and  with  that  idea  he  treated 
all  who  came  to  him,  and  had  special  hours  for  dispensary 
work. 

One  afternoon  a chief  entered  the  house,  and  requested 
medicine  for  his  stomach. 

“ What  is  the  matter  with  your  stomach  ? ” I asked. 

“ Oh,  I ‘ have  a stomach,’  and  it  wants  medicine,”  was  the 
reply ; and  in  spite  of  many  questions,  put  in  various  ways, 
nothing  more  could  be  elicited  from  our  supposed  patient,  and 
1 See  Appendix,  Note  VI,  p.  311,  for  list  of  native  diseases. 


256  A CURIOUS  REQUEST 

we  felt  in  a quandary.  At  last  in  desperation  we  threw  open 
the  doors  of  the  medicine  cabinet,  containing  some  fifty  bottles 
of  different  kinds  of  drugs,  and  told  him  to  help  himself  to 
whichever  he  liked. 

The  array  of  bottles  surprised  him,  and  it  dawned  upon 
him  that  he  might  possibly  take  the  wrong  one  and  poison 
himself,  and  he  stated  his  difficulty. 

“ If  you  won’t  tell  me,”  I said,  “ what  is  the  matter  with 
your  stomach,  how  can  I give  you  the  right  remedy  ? " 

He  then  confessed  that  he  did  not  exactly  want  the  medicine 
just  then.  “ But  the  fact  is,”  he  said,  “ I am  on  the  way  to  a 
big  feast,  and  I thought  if  I had  some  of  your  medicine  to  drink 
when  I got  there  it  would  help  me  to  eat  plenty,  plenty  with- 
out any  pain  coming  in  my  stomach,  for  I have  heard  that  your 
medicine  is  very  wonderful.” 

I expressed  my  sympathy  with  the  object  he  had  in 
view,  and  advised  him  to  come  after  the  feast,  which  he  did, 
and  swallowed  the  nauseous  draught  of  Epsom  salts  with  a 
very  wry  face.  We  never  had  any  more  requests  of  that 
kind. 

One  evening  a man  came  to  me  with  the  statement,  “ I have 
a chest.”  We  listened  to  his  breathing,  &c.,  and  came  to  the 
conclusion,  rightly  or  wrongly,  that  he  had  a touch  of  pleurisy. 
I administered  a fly  blister,  and  told  the  man  to  go  to  bed. 
Early  next  morning  he  came  running  into  my  house,  and  said, 
“ White  man,  look  where  the  evil  spirit  has  come  out.”  As 
the  pain  was  gone  and  there  was  a blister  on  his  chest,  he 
thought  that  the  evil  spirit  had  been  pulled  out  by  the  white 
man’s  strong  medicine.  These  are  illustrations  of  the  way  in 
which  our  medicines  were  regarded — as  a kind  of  magic ; and 
although  the  European  doctors  and  their  drugs  have  ousted 
the  native  witch-doctors  with  their  incantations  and  ceremonies 
from  many  districts,  they  are  still  supreme  in  many  parts 
where  white  men  and  their  medicines  have  not  yet  penetrated — 
places  where  the  following  methods  are  still  as  much  in  vogue 
as  they  were  all  over  the  Congo  twenty  years  ago. 

The  general  practitioner  {ngang'  a wuka)  among  the  native 


GENERAL  PRACTITIONER 


257 


“ doctors  ” deals  in  simples,’  decoctions,  and  charms  for  curing 
their  patients.  His  name,  wtika,  means  to  cure  or  heal ; and  he 
undoubtedly  knows  something  about  medicinal  herbs  that  is 
really  helpful,  and  in  so  far  as  he  administers  these  there  is  no 
quackery  about  his  practice.  This  “ doctor  ” {ngang'  a moTcoi) 
decides  whether  his  patient  is  troubled  by  an  ordinary  sickness, 
or  by  an  evil  spirit,  or  by  witchcraft.  Whatever  his  distinctive 
name  (mo/fo=arms)  may  have  meant,  it  has  now  lost  its  sig- 
nificance. This  “doctor”  is  more  frequently  a woman  than 
a man ; and  her  bag  of  tricks  is  either  a bundle  or  a box  of 
charms.  The  witch-finder’s  (ngang'  a ngombo = guesser)  special 
function  is  to  point  out  the  witch  (ndoki)  who  has  caused  the 
death  of  the  deceased  on  whose  behalf  he  is  engaged.  This 
“doctor”  is  sometimes,  but  rarely,  engaged  to  discover  the 
witch  who  is  troubling  a sick  man,  especially  if  the  said  patient 
is  influential  and  wealthy — a chief  of  importance.  Usually, 
however,  he  is  not  sent  for  until  the  person  is  dead ; and  he 
must  not  belong  to  the  same  family  or  clan  as  the  deceased. 
These  three  “ doctors  ” must  always  find  their  way  to  the 
village  and  to  the  house  of  a patient  without  guidance  or  in- 
struction, and  they  must  also  discover  the  sickness  from  which 
their  patients  are  suffering,  or  the  cause  of  death,  without  asking 
a single  direct  question. 

When  a person  arrives  at  the  village  of  the  wuka  doctor, 
and  asks  him  to  go  and  see  a woman  who,  for  example,  has  a 
very  bad  abscess  in  her  right  leg,  the  “ doctor  ” sends  his  assist- 
ant on  ahead  to  find  out  where  the  sick  woman  is  living. 
Having  ascertained  the  house,  the  assistant  puts  a certain  leaf 
on  the  roads  leading  from  outside  the  town,  where  the  “ doctor  ” 
will  enter,  up  towards  the  house.  Near  the  house  he  places 
twigs,  and  although  the  people  see  the  assistant  putting  these 
marks  on  the  paths,  they  pretend  to  express  great  surprise 
when  the  “ doctor  ” walks  right  up  to  his  patient’s  house  with- 
out any  apparent  guidance. 

The  “ doctor  ” in  diagnosing  a case  must  not  ask  any  direct 
questions,  but  he  meets  that  difficulty  as  follows:  he  asks  a 

* See  Appendix,  Note  VII,  p.  312,  for  catalogue  of  native  remedies. 

R 


258 


NATIVE  DIAGNOSING 


series  of  very  indirect  questions,  and  if  those  present  say  Ndungu 
he  knows  he  is  on  the  wrong  tack  ; but'if  they  answer  Otuamu, 
he  knows  he  is  on  the  right  one,  and  the  more  excitedly  they  say 
the  word  the  nearer  he  knows  he  is  to  the  truth.  Hence  he 
starts  somewhat  in  this  way  : 

“ There  are  such  things  as  pains  in  the  stomach.” 

“ Ndungu^  quietly  say  the  people  sitting  a circle  or  semi- 
circle about  the  “ doctor.” 

“ Sometimes  there  are  backaches,  headaches,  and  pains  in 
the  chest.” 

“ Ndungu,’’''  is  said  very  coldly  by  the  crowd. 

The  “ doctor  ” knows  he  is  on  the  wrong  tack,  but  still 
he  has  managed  to  narrow  the  circle  of  affected  parts,  so  he 
begins  again. 

“ There  are  such  things  as  severe  pains  and  aches  in  the 
arms  and  legs.” 

“ Otuama,'"  respond  the  deluded  folk. 

He  now  knows  that  the  affected  part  is  either  an  arm  or  a 
leg,  and  he  continues  to  narrow  it  down  thus  until  at  last  he 
says,  “Ah,  the  right  leg  is  bad.”  The  people  excitedly  shout 
Otuama,’’’’  snap  their  fingers,  and  look  at  the  “doctor”  with 
awe-filled  eyes. 

The  “ doctor  ” now  knows  that  it  is  the  right  leg  that 
has  to  be  treated.  What  are  the  most  common  complaints 
of  the  leg.?  Rheumatism,  boils,  cuts,  sprains,  and  abscesses. 
So  he  starts  off’  to  discover  the  malady  and  its  location  on 
the  leg,  and  the  people  respond  “ Ndungu  ” coldly  when  he 
misses  his  guess,  or  excitedly  shout  “ Otuama  ” as  by  this 
cunning  process  he  narrows  the  circle  smaller  and  smaller, 
until  at  last,  to  their  astonishment,  he  says,  “ The  woman  is 
suffering  from  a bad  abscess  on  the  inside  part  of  her  right 
leg.” 

The  people  think  that  such  a clever  man,  who  has  found 
out  all  about  the  disease  without  being  told,  is  just  the  man 
to  cure  the  complaint.  He  is  consequently  engaged  at  once 
and  well  paid.  The  “doctor”  then  for  the  first  time  sees  his 
patient,  and  without  any  examination  of  the  abscess  he  applies 


DREAMING  ABOUT  A COMPLAINT  259 


a poultice,  gives  some  simple  medicine  to  drink,  and  receiving 
his  fee  departs  for  his  town. 

Supposing  that  after  due  time  the  woman  becomes  worse 
rather  than  better,  her  family  decides  that  the  charms  of  the 
first  “ doctor  ” were  not  powerful  enough  to  effect  a cure,  or 
there  may  be  a difference  of  opinion,  some  arguing  that  it  is  a 
case  of  witchcraft.  To  decide  that  point  a red  bead  that  has 
been  worn  by  the  sick  woman  is  carried  to  the  village  of  the 
molio  doctor,  who  puts  it  under  her  pillow  at  night  and  dreams 
about  the  complaint  of  the  patient  who  sent  it — she  may  have 
three  or  four  beads  from  as  many  sick  people.  In  the  morning 
she  tells  the  messenger  the  cause  of  the  illness,  and  the  treat- 
ment to  be  followed.  She  is  very  wary  in  her  diagnosis,  so  as 
to  leave  an  opening  for  the  introduction  of  witchcraft  should 
it  be  necessary  to  do  so. 

Should  the  patient  not  recover  after  calling  in  another 
wuka  “doctor,”  but  a series  of  abscesses  break  out,  then  the 
family  send  for  the  moko  “ doctor  ” to  come.  The  messenger 
pays  her  one  fowl  and  500  strings  of  beads — as  the  case  is 
serious  the  fee  is  high — and  she  receives  another  fowl  on  her 
arrival  in  the  patient’s  town.  This  “doctor”  conducts  an 
inquiry  similar  to  the  one  sketched  above,  and,  after  due  con- 
sideration, states  if  the  woman  is  suffering  from  natural  causes, 
or  from  witchcraft.  Should  she  say  there  is  no  special  witch- 
craft in  the  case,  another  wuka  “ doctor  ” is  engaged ; but 
should  she  declare  that  witchcraft  is  at  work,  the  family  will 
fee  another  doctor  (see  ngang'  a nkwiya,  page  223)  who  will  go 
through  the  town  night  after  night  calling  on  the  witch  to 
desist  from  its  evil  practices  or  it  will  certainly  be  punished ; 
and  he  will  also  threaten  the  said  witch  with  all  kinds  of  curses 
and  imprecations.  As  this  sort  of  witch  (nxingi)  is  supposed 
to  be  working  through  a human  medium,  the  curses,  &c.,  are  to 
frighten  the  person  who  is  allowing  herself  (or  himself)  to  be 
used  as  the  medium. 

If  the  moko  “ doctor  ” says  that  it  is  an  evil  spirit  that  is 
troubling  the  woman  and  retarding  her  recovery,  her  relatives 
resort  to  a witch-doctor  whose  special  business  it  is  to  appease 


260  DRIVING  AWAY  EVIL  SPIRITS 


spirits  by  sacrifices,  or  frighten  them  away  by  threats,  by  firing 
guns  at  them,  and  making  hideous  noises.  Many  a time  in 
the  years  gone  by  have  I heard  these  witch-doctors,  or  some 
relatives  of  the  sick  person,  go  through  the  town  in  the  dead 
of  the  night,  beating  an  iron  bell  and  calling  on  the  witch  to 
leave  the  sick  woman  alone,  or  means  would  be  taken  to  dis- 
cover and  punish  it  if  the  woman  died.  I have  also  seen  them 
rushing  about,  shouting,  howling,  screeching,  and  firing  guns  in 
the  air  to  drive  away  the  evil  spirit  that  was  distressing  the 
sick  one.  If,  in  spite  of  all  these  efforts,  the  woman  continues 
ill,  or  becomes  worse,  her  relatives  will  take  her  secretly,  as  a 
last  chance,  out  of  the  house  in  the  dead  of  the  night,  and 
quietly  carry  her  to  another  town.  By  this  means  they  hope 
to  cheat  the  witch  or  evil  spirit  by  taking  the  victim  secretly 
beyond  its  ken,  and  consequently  beyond  its  malign  influence. 
They  think  that  the  knowledge  of  the  witch,  and  also  of  the 
evil  spirit,  is  very  limited,  and  the  area  of  its  power  very 
circumscribed.  Whenever  I missed  a sick  person  from  the 
town  I never  inquired  too  closely  about  their  whereabouts,  for 
if  the  person  interrogated  knew,  he  would  not  dare  to  reveal 
where  the  sick  one  had  gone,  lest  the  witch  should  hear  and 
follow. 

Should  the  woman  die  notwithstanding  all  these  efforts  then 
the  family  meets  and  discusses  the  whole  affair.  If  the  molco 
“doctor”  said  that  the  abscesses  were  due  to  natural  causes, or 
that  the  woman  was  troubled  by  an  evil  spirit,  nothing  more 
can  be  done  save  to  bury  the  body  and  have  the  usual  wailing 
over  it,  with  the  ordinary  funeral  festivities.  But,  if  the  moTco 
“doctor”  declared  that  the  woman  was  under  the  spell  of 
witchcraft,  the  witch-finder  is  called  to  investigate  the  matter, 
and  search  for  the  witch. 

The  witch-finder  has  an  assistant  who  spends  a day  or  two 
in  the  deceased  woman’s  town,  ferreting  out  her  past  life,  mode 
of  living,  habits,  and  tempei’ — quarrelsome  or  otherwise.  All 
the  information  thus  gathered  he  passes  on  to  his  master,  who, 
primed  with  the  facts,  and  with  the  road  marked  out  with 
leaves  and  twigs,  walks  right  straight  through  the  town  to  his 


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SEARCHING  FOR  THE  WITCH  261 


client’s  house.  A ring  is  formed,  and  the  witch-finder,  who 
may  be  a man  or  a woman,  dances  and  chants  to  the  beat  of 
drums,  puts  question  after  question,  and  is  answered  by  the 
people  with  Ndungti  or  Otuama  as  he  guesses  rightly  or  wrongly 
about  the  woman’s  ways.  Presently  he  elicits  that  she  recently 
had  a very  bad  quarrel  with  someone,  then  he  discovers  it  was 
with  a man — perhaps  her  brother,  or  son,  or  husband,  or  a 
distant  relative.  By  crafty  questions  he  narrows  the  circle,  the 
people,  all  excitement,  really  helping  him,  and  at  last  he  declares 
it  is  such  and  such  a person ; and  the  whole  crowd  is  astonished 
that  they  had  never  thought  of  him  before  as  a monster  who 
had  used  witchcraft  to  do  the  person  to  death.  If  they  had 
only  thought  for  a moment,  it  could  assuredly  have  been  no 
one  else  but  he  who  is  denounced  by  the  witch-finder.  This 
man  has  now  finished  his  part,  so  he  takes  his  liberal  fee  and 
departs.  As  a rule  he  receives  his  fee  and  sends  it  away  before 
he  begins,  for  the  accused  does  not  always  take  the  charge  of 
witchcraft  quietly,  but  will  sometimes  go  for  his  gun  to  shoot 
the  witch-finder,  who  therefore  hurries  quickly  from  the  town. 

Sometimes  two,  and  even  three,  persons  are  implicated  in 
the  charge  of  witchcraft,  and  then  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain 
which  of  them  is  the  real  witch  that  should  take  the  ordeal. 
To  determine  that,  the  witch-finder  takes  two  or  three  small 
boys,  one  to  represent  each  suspected  adult,  and  gives  a small 
quantity  of  the  ordeal  to  each  of  them  and  watches  the  result. 
If  the  symptoms  shown  by  one  or  two  of  the  boys  are  such  as 
to  warrant  him,  he  will  then  accuse  the  person  or  persons  they 
represent  of  witchcraft,  and  they  will  have  to  take  the  ordeal  in 
the  proper  way.  And  if  neither  of  the  boys  exhibits  any  signs 
of  witchcraft,  then  some  others  will  be  suspected,  and  their 
representatives  will  be  appointed  to  take  the  ordeal.  Only 
members  of  the  same  family  can  bewitch  one  another,  and  only 
lads  of  the  same  family  as  the  deceased  are  used  as  tests,  and 
they  are  well  paid  for  their  trouble.  After  making  his  declara- 
tion of  the  witch,  or  discovering  the  witch  by  the  aid  of  the 
lads,  the  witch-finder  goes  away.  It  is  not  his  business  to 
administer  the  ordeal. 


262  RIVALRY  OF  NATIVE  DOCTORS 


The  witch-finder  does  not  always  declare  that  it  is  a person 
who  is  guilty  of  the  witchcraft,  or  of  “ having  eaten  the  de- 
ceased ” ; but  sometimes  he  accuses  a fetish  {nkisi),  or  a spirit, 
of  having  eaten  the  person,  and  if  the  latter  he  overrides  the 
assertion  of  the  moko  “ doctor,”  who  may  have  stated  that  an 
evil  spirit  was  not  the  cause  of  the  death.  I found  the  different 
orders  of  “ doctors  ” often  contradicted  each  other,  whether  from 
rivalry,  jealousy,  or  self-conceit  it  was  at  times  difficult  to  say. 
Sometimes  those  in  a locality  would  work  well  together  and 
corroborate  each  other’s  diagnosis,  and  in  other  parts  they  would 
not,  or  all  would  make  a set  against  one  of  their  number  and 
belittle  him.  As  the  ordeal  cannot  be  given  to  a fetish,  or  to  a 
spirit,  a “ doctor  ” whose  speciality  it  is  to  deal  with  these 
super-human  powers  is  sent  for  that  he  may  appease  the  spirit, 
or  remove  the  evil  influence  of  the  fetish  from  the  family. 

On  the  accusation  of  a person  of  witchcraft  the  nkasa 
“doctor”  is  called  to  administer  the  ordeal.  The  ordeal  {nkasa)  is 
the  poisonous  bark  of  a tree  pounded  fine  and  sometimes  mixed 
with  water,  and  at  other  times  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  accused 
and  washed  down  with  palm  wine.  The  nkasa  tree  is  never 
cut  for  any  other  purpose  except  the  procuring  of  a portion  of 
its  bark  for  the  ordeal  ceremony.  The  ordeal-giver  (called 
ngang'  a ngoV  a nkasa)  is  the  only  person  who  is  supposed  to 
cut  this  tree,  and  when  he  does  so  he  must  use  a certain  formula, 
for  the  natives  believe  that  this  tree  has  a spirit,  hence  its  use 
as  an  ordeal  for  the  discovery  of  witchcraft.  It  is  not  the 
medicinal  properties  of  the  bark  that  affect  the  stomach  of  him 
who  takes  it,  but  the  spirit  in  the  tree  that  reveals,  or  other- 
wise, the  witchcraft  in  the  person  receiving  it.  The  ordeal 
“ doctor  ” on  going  to  the  tree  says,  “ I wish  to  procure  a 
portion  of  your  bark,  and  if  the  person  for  whom  I am  cutting 
it  is  really  a witch,  let  my  matchet  bend  when  I strike  you ; 
but  if  he  is  not  let  my  matchet  enter  you,  and  the  wind  stop 
blowing.”  It  often  happens  that  the  air  is  very  still,  not  a leaf 
stirring,  for  two  or  three  hours  before  a storm,  and  this  still- 
ness of  the  air  is  credited  to  the  above  cause — that  someone, 
somewhere,  is  cutting  the  ordeal  ti’ee.  Although  the  omens 


SIGNS  OF  GUILT 


263 


may  be  in  favour  of  the  person  accused  of  witchcraft,  the  ordeal- 
giver  proceeds  with  the  administration  of  the  ordeal ; and  the 
results  are  not  infrequently  quite  contrary  to  the  omens,  but 
their  belief  is  unaffected  by  such  a contretemps. 

Having  procured  the  ordeal,  the  “ doctor,”  accompanied  by 
many  people,  takes  the  accused  to  the  bare  top  of  a hill,  where 
they  build  a hut  of  palm  fronds,  and  hanging  fronds  in  the 
doorway,  they  tie  a lath  across  the  middle  of  the  hut.  The 
ordeal-giver  pushes  a stone  towards  the  accused,  on  which 
twenty-seven  small  heaps  of  ordeal  have  been  put : he  grinds 
each  heap  to  powder,  and  takes  one  lot  after  the  other  and 
feeds  the  accused  person  with  them.  During  this  process  the 
accused  must  spread  out  his  hands,  and  he  is  not  allowed  to 
touch  anything.  After  swallowing  the  ordeal  the  “ doctor  ” puts 
a curse  on  him,  the  curse  that  if  he  is  a witch  he  will  die  by  the 
ordeal. 

Should  the  accused  vomit  three  times  he  is  given  a fourth 
dose,  and  if  he  vomits  that  he  proves  beyond  all  doubt  that  he 
is  not  a witch.  The  people  lead  him  back  to  the  town  singing 
songs  in  his  praise,  and,  dressing  him  in  fine  clothes,  they  thus 
show  their  gladness  that  he  has  so  successfully  stood  the  test 
and  proved  himself  innocent  of  the  charge  of  witchcraft.  He 
can  then  mulct  his  accuser  in  a very  heavy  fine.  But  if  the 
accused  does  not  vomit,  or  if  he  vomits  and  there  are  signs  of 
blood  or  green  matter  in  it,  or  if  he  has  bad  diarrhoea,  they 
know  that  he  is  a witch.  He  is  brought  out  of  the  hut  and 
killed,  and  his  body  is  left  on  the  hill-top,  to  be  devoured  by 
wild  beasts,  eagles,  and  crows. 

Should  the  accused  person  be  very  obnoxious  to  the  people 
generally,  and  they  are  set  on  killing  him,  they  will  put  him 
to  several  severe  tests,  although  he  may  have  vomited  properly 
according  to  their  custom.  The  effect  of  the  ordeal  is  to  daze 
the  person  who  has  taken  it,  and  to  deaden  his  wits.  They 
will  test  him  thus  : procuring  twigs  of  six  different  trees,  they 
will  throw  one  after  the  other  at  him  in  quick  succession,  re- 
quiring him  to  mention  at  once  the  name  of  each  tree  from 
which  the  twig  was  taken.  Should  he  be  successful,  they  will 


264 


DIVINATION 


point  to  various  ants  running  about  the  ground  in  front  of 
him,  and  ask  him  to  give  their  names ; and  after  passing  this 
test,  he  is  called  upon  to  name  the  butterflies  and  birds  as  they 
sail  by,  and  should  he  fail  in  any  single  trial,  he  is  pronounced 
a witch,  and  pays  the  penalty  with  his  life,  for  a witch  is  the 
most  hated  thing  in  all  Congoland. 

The  administering  of  the  ordeal  bark  (called  hau  Tcia  nkasa 
= divination  by  the  nkasa  tree)  is  not  only  used  for  discovering 
a witch  or  proving  an  accused  person  innocent  of  the  charge  of 
witchcraft ; but  it  is  also  employed  in  serious  accusations  of 
theft,  and  for  bad  cases  of  adultery  when  guilt  is  denied.  It 
is  then  given  by  a divination  “doctor”  {ngang'  a bate)  in  small 
doses  in  the  town,  or  the  outskirts,  and  if  the  accused  re- 
tains the  ordeal  he  is  guiltless  of  the  charge,  and  can  demand 
compensation  from  his  accusers,  but  if  he  vomits  he  pays  the 
imposed  fines  for  his  crime,  and  the  matter  ends.  For  lying, 
petty  thefts,  and  ordinary  cases  of  adultery  there  are  other 
tests — seven  in  number,  applied  by  the  divination  “ doctor.” 
There  is  the  trial  by  hot  knife  {ban  kia  mbele).  The  knife  is 
made  hot,  and  is  passed  three  times  over  the  skin  of  the  leg, 
or  once  down  the  side  of  the  leg  by  the  calf,  once  over  the  arm, 
and  once  down  the  cheek.  If  the  person  is  not  burnt,  he  is 
innocent. 

Then  there  is  the  boiling  oil  test  (ban  kia  maji).  The 
accused  must  put  his  hand  and  arm  in  a vessel  of  boiling  palm 
oil  three  times,  and  bring  out  each  time  a piece  of  native  bread 
(jezvanga).  If  he  is  not  scalded,  he  is  guiltless  of  the  charge 
brought  against  him.  The  “doctor”  procures  some  bark 
of  the  baobab-tree,  and  pressing  the  juice  out  of  it,  he  rubs  it 
on  the  hand  and  arm  of  any  accused  person  who  will  pay  him 
for  it,  and  he  can  then  dip  his  ai-m  in  with  impunity.  If  the 
accused  will  not  pay  the  “ doctor  ” his  price,  he  rubs  on  some 
other  decoction  which  is  not  protective.  The  bracelet  test  {bau 
kia  nkangu)  is  the  same  as  the  previous  one,  except  that  a 
bracelet  is  put  into  the  oil  instead  of  the  bread.  The  bracelet 
is  used  when  a woman  or  girl  is  being  tried,  the  bread  when  a 
man  or  boy.  The  accused  woman  must  not  only  bring  out  the 


DIVINATION  265 

bracelet  but  also  put  it  on  her  arm.  If  uninjured  she  is  in- 
nocent of  the  charge. 

In  divination  by  knotted  grass  {ban  Icia  mienje),  several 
pieces  of  grass  are  cut,  and  one  piece  is  knotted  at  one  end. 
The  knotted  piece  is  put  with  the  others,  and  all  the  ends  are 
held  loosely  in  the  closed  fist.  The  accused  has  to  pull  out  all 
the  pieces,  and  leave  the  knotted  one  in  the  fist,  or  he  is  guilty. 
A large  bean  {nkandi)  is  used  by  the  witch-finder  in  his  search 
for  the  witch.  He  twists  two  pieces  of  string  together,  and, 
having  bored  a hole  through  the  bean,  he  passes  the  twisted 
string  through  it.  He  then  holds  the  string  in  a perpendicular 
position,  and  says  to  the  bean,  “If  it  is  a woman  who  is  the 
witch  in  this  affair,  then  drop  down  the  string;  but  if  it  is  a 
man  then  go  up  the  string.”  This  divination  he  uses  for  his 
own  benefit  as  a guide  as  to  whom  he  should  accuse,  when  he 
is  uncertain. 

There  is  also  a bead  test  (bau  kia  mbiya).  A blue  pipe 
glass  bead  about  f inch  long  and  J inch  thick,  with  broken, 
jagged  ends,  is  put  between  the  upper  eyelid  and  the  eyeball. 
It  is  left  in  that  position  a few  minutes,  and  if  the  accused  can 
bear  the  pain  until  the  “ doctor  ” takes  the  bead  out,  he  is 
innocent  of  the  charge.  If  the  pain  is  unbearable  and  the 
bead  is  removed  before  the  “ doctor  ” gives  the  word  it  is  a 
sign  of  guilt.  The  hot  water  test  {bau  kia  maza  ma  tiya)  is 
much  the  same  as  the  boiling  oil  test. 

The  “ doctor  ” is  expected  to  stand  all  these  tests  himself 
without  suffering  any  inconvenience.  Unless  he  is  prepared  to 
undergo  each  ordeal  (except  taking  the  nkasa)  before  the  ac- 
cused, he  is  regarded  with  very  little  respect,  and  would  soon 
lose  his  practice.  Undoubtedly  they  know  of  juices,  &c.  that 
help  them  to  bear  these  tests  successfully,  and  they  are  willing 
to  sell  their  knowledge  to  any  accused  person  who  cares  to  pay 
the  price. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


DEATH  AND  BURIAL 

The  natives  have  very  little  fear  of  death.  By  that 
statement  it  is  not  meant  that  they  are  courageous  in 
war,  and  court  death  by  their  reckless  bravery;  but 
believing  that  they  are  immortal  until  bewitched,  they  give 
little  or  no  thought  to  death,  and  rarely  talk  about  the  possi- 
bility of  their  own  or  anyone’s  death.  Among  them,  all  other 
folk  are  liable  to  the  evil  machinations  of  witchcraft  but 
themselves.  No  shot  will  touch  them,  no  crocodile  will  hurt 
them,  and  no  disease  will  kill  them,  unless  the  bullet,  the 
crocodile,  or  the  complaint  has  some  witchcraft  about  it. 
Hence  a man  is  restrained  by  force  from  going  to  a fight  if  the 
omen  is  against  him ; or  he  will  swim  a river  infested  with 
crocodiles,  believing  that  they  will  not  touch  him ; or  he  will 
crowd  unnecessarily  into  the  house  of  a small-pox  patient, 
feeling  secure  in  the  power  of  his  fetish  to  counteract  all 
witchcraft  and  protect  him  from  all  diseases.  What  the 
natives  fear  above  all  things  is  witchcraft,  and  in  that  fear 
they  live  and  move  and  pass  their  existence. 

On  the  other  hand,  contradictory  as  it  may  seem,  the  strong 
incentive  among  the  people  to  industry,  to  travel,  and  to  trade, 
is  not  so  much  to  procure  the  money  with  which  to  buy  food 
(their  wives  supply  them  with  that),  but  to  hoard  enough 
cloth,  &c.  for  a grand  funeral  that  will  be  the  talk  of  the 
district ; for  they  believe  that  the  grander  their  funeral  the 
better  will  be  their  reception  in  the  spirit  land.  The  strong 
desire  they  have  for  children  springs  from  the  same  motive — 
sons  to  bury  them  properly  and  daughters  to  cry  for  them. 
They  prefer  daughters  to  sons,  for  there  is  not  only  the 

portion  of  their  marriage  money,  but  they  cry  longer  and  better 

266 


DEATH  OF  A MAN 


267 


than  boys  and  men.  They  cannot  but  know  that  all  who 
have  preceded  them  have  died,  and  although  they  place  those 
deaths  at  the  door  of  witchcraft,  they  must  feel  that  their  own 
turn  to  be  bewitched  will  eventually  come,  hence  their  prepara- 
tions for  a great  funeral. 

When  a person  dies,  it  is  the  custom  for  the  women 
belonging  to  the  deceased’s  family  to  gather  from  the  sur- 
rounding towns  and  villages  to  assist  at  the  mourning.  For 
this  purpose  they  will  neglect  their  farms,  children,  and 
husbands,  and  will  crowd  into  the  house  where  the  corpse  is 
lying,  and  there  sit  day  after  day  giving  unasked  advice  to  the 
chief  mourner  and  praising  the  dead  in  songs  and  chants.  So 
fond  are  they  of  the  excitement  of  attending  a funeral,  that 
they  will  rake  up  a relationship  to  the  dead,  and  failing  in 
that,  they  will  say,  “Well,  he  (or  she)  is  a relative  of  my 
particular  friend.”  Men,  to  show  sorrow,  will  give  cloth  to 
wind  round  the  body  for  the  burial ; but  the  women  to  express 
their  sympathy  wail  and  rub  mud  on  their  bodies,  and  both 
male  and  female  mourners  go  unkempt  for  many  days,  and 
even  months. 

If  it  is  a man  who  is  dead,  one  of  his  wives  sleeps  on  a mat 
close  by  the  corpse,  which  is  so  arranged  on  a mat  that  the 
fluids  of  the  body  drain  into  a basin.  The  woman  runs  her 
finger  frequently  over  the  corpse  to  press  out  the  moisture; 
she  must  empty  the  basin  when  full,  and  when  she  goes  to  eat 
she  is  not  allowed  to  wash  her  hands.  This  process  she  repeats 
until  the  body  is  perfectly  shrivelled  up.  Should  she  exhibit 
any  natural  reluctance  to  performing  these  offices  for  the  dead, 
she  is  urged  on  by  the  other  women  present,  and  reminded  by 
them  that  he  was  a good  husband  who  treated  her  well,  and 
supplied  her  with  good  cloth,  &c.  The  man  must  operate  in 
the  same  way  on  the  body  of  his  deceased  wife,  if  she  is  a 
woman  of  any  importance ; and  to  fail  in  rendering  these  last 
rites  to  the  dead  is  to  cover  oneself  with  shame,  and  be  accused 
of  heartlessness. 

After  the  fluids  have  drained  from  the  body,  the  corpse  is 
placed  on  a shelf,  a fire  is  lit  beneath  it,  and  it  is  thoroughly 


268 


COSTLY  FUNERALS 


smoke-dried.  The  corpse  is  sometimes  kept  for  two,  three,  or 
more  years  before  it  is  buried.  When  for  some  reason  it  is  not 
advisable  to  keep  the  body  in  the  house,  a hole  is  dug,  the 
corpse  is  tied  up  in  a mat,  and  the  bundle  is  suspended  from  a 
pole  laid  across  the  hole.  Sticks  and  palm  fronds  are  laid  over 
the  hole,  and  earth  is  thrown  over  all  to  keep  the  smell  down. 
There  the  body  remains  until  the  family  is  able  to  bury  it 
properly. 

The  burial  of  an  important  man  is  very  costly.  For  many 
months  the  family  sends  to  all  the  markets,  far  and  near,  to 
buy  all  the  fowls,  goats,  and  pigs  that  can  be  obtained  at  a 
reasonable  price.  Having  purchased  sufficient,  the  invitations 
are  sent  out,  and  every  invitation  must  be  accompanied  by  a 
present  of  varying  value,  from  one  fowl  to  two  goats,  according 
to  the  position  of  the  person  invited.  Each  person  thus  invited 
takes  with  him  as  many  wives,  slaves,  and  followers  as  he  can, 
for  the  greater  his  retinue  the  more  important  he  is  in  the 
estimation  of  others.  Only  forty  or  fifty  persons  may  really  be 
invited,  but  those  who  will  attend,  as  their  followers,  may 
number  several  hundreds,  and  they  are  all  fed  for  three  or  four 
days  at  the  expense  of  the  deceased’s  family.  Every  person 
invited  to  the  funeral  gives  a present  of  trade  goods,  cloths,  &c. 
“ to  wind  round  the  body,”  according  to  his  rank  and  standing 
in  the  district ; and  although  the  articles  thus  presented  to  the 
sorrowing  family  may  be  twice  the  value  of  the  goats  sent  with 
the  invitation,  yet  they  will  not  pay  for  the  pigs,  &c.,  eaten 
and  the  palm  wine  drunk  during  the  funeral  festivities.  I 
remember  the  case  of  a headman  at  San  Salvador  whose  sister 
was  married  to  the  King;  when  she  died,  Dom  Miguel  had  to 
bury  her  as  a queen  should  be  buried ; and  the  expenses  were 
so  great,  and  the  goods  given  “ to  wind  round  the  body  ” were 
so  small  in  comparison,  that  he  was  financially  ruined  for  life  ; 
although  he  worked  hard  as  a blacksmith,  and  was  a keen 
trader,  he  never  really  disentangled  himself  from  the  debts  thus 
incurred. 

On  the  afternoon  of  January  12,  1883,  I went  to  Mputu 
(between  seventy  and  eighty  minutes’  walk  south-east  of  San 


Photo  hy  Rev.  F.  Oldrieve 

Graves,  Lower  Congo 

I.  The  grave  of  a wealthy  man.  The  jugs,  mugs,  basins,  etc.,  were  bought  of  traders.  2.  Hut 
built  oyer  the  grave  of  an  important  chief.  Goods  are  displayed  on  a table— notice  the  figure 
decorations.  3.  Grave  of  a poor  man— broken  umbrella,  a cloth  and  a few  bottles.  The  spirits  of 
these  things  are  supposed  to  go  to  their  former  owners  in  the  spirit  land. 


FUNERAL  OF  GAZIA 


269 


Salvador)  to  attend  the  funeral  of  a man  who  had  died  about 
thirteen  years  before  I received  the  invitation  to  be  present  at 
his  interment.  Nearly  a thousand  persons  were  present  at 
the  ceremony,  which  after  the  first  day  became  a series  of  wild, 
drunken  orgies.  This  man  Gazia  was  the  slave  of  the  chief 
of  Mputu.  In  his  early  life  he  had  visited  St.  Paul  de  Loando, 
where  he  had  gained  some  knowledge  of  the  Portuguese 
language,  and  also  some  insight  into  the  ceremonies  and  rites 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  On  returning  to  Mputu  he 
taught  Portuguese  there,  and  at  San  Salvador,  and  acted  also 
as  a sort  of  priest.  As  a teacher  he  was  successful,  for  in 
1878  (when  our  mission  began),  there  were  many  natives  who 
could  talk  Portuguese.  As  a priest  the  following  seems  to 
have  been  his  practice : at  certain  times  of  the  year  the  natives 
took  to  Gazia’s  fetish  house  (nzo  a nkisi),  in  his  enclosure, 
baskets  of  various  kinds  of  foods,  and  when  the  house  was  full 
of  these  offerings  Gazia  then  prayed  to  the  fetish  on  behalf 
of  the  people,  and  as  his  fee  he  took  the  offerings  made  to  the 
fetish. 

Gazia  became  so  rich  that  his  wealth  aroused  the  cupidity 
of  the  chief,  his  master,  who  accused  him  of  witchcraft;  and 
to  escape  this  charge  he  fled  to  the  King  at  San  Salvador,  and 
became  a kind  of  secretary,  or  adviser  to  him  in  his  dealings 
with  the  Portuguese.  When  Gazia  died  the  King  had  the 
body  well  dried,  and  bound  round  with  twice  its  bulk  in  cloth, 
and  sent  it  to  his  former  master  in  Mputu  to  be  properly 
buried.  The  body,  swathed  in  its  huge  quantity  of  trade  cloth, 
was  placed  in  a house  specially  built,  while  the  unfortunate 
master,  who  feared  to  disobey  the  king,  gathered  goats,  pigs, 
sheep,  &c.,  for  a seides  of  feasts  worthy  the  burial  of  so  gi’eat 
a man.  The  master  was  not  over  quick  in  burying  his  slave ; 
but  Gazia  had  left  a huge  amount  of  wealth,  and  the  master 
was  not  only  desirous  of  meeting  the  King's  wishes,  but  he  was 
anxious  to  appease  the  spirit  of  his  whilom  slave  by  burying 
him  in  grand  style ; and  besides,  if  he  played  loosely  with  the 
wealth  of  a dead  man,  others  might  rob  him  when  he  was  dead, 
and  his  status  in  the  spirit  land  would  be  disagreeably  affected. 


270 


BURIAL 


The  fee  for  digging  a grave  is  a fowl  for  each  of  the  two 
or  three  diggers.  If  a person  dies  while  visiting  a town,  his 
people  have  to  pay  a pig  for  the  right  of  burial  in  the  land 
belonging  to  the  town ; but  should  the  corpse  be  taken  away, 
a pig  must  be  paid  to  the  people  of  every  town  through  which 
it  is  carried.  This  has  the  effect  of  reducine  the  risks  of 

o 

catching  infectious  diseases,  as  the  bearers,  to  avoid  such  heavy 
fees,  will  take  a body  to  its  native  village  by  wide  detours 
instead  of  over  the  usual  paths.  The  body  is,  however, 
allowed  to  pass  free  if  it  is  that  of  a man  killed  by  a wild 
animal,  or  the  remains  of  a wotnan  who  died  in  childbirth. 

The  head  is  always  buried  towards  the  rising  sun,  and  the 
feet  towards  the  setting  sun,  and  the  funeral  takes  place  at 
sunset,  for  the  following  reason Every  morning  the  men  and 
lads  leave  their  towns  to  work  in  the  forests,  or  to  visit  and 
trade  with  neighbouring  towns  and  villages,  or  to  attend  the 
markets ; and  the  women  and  girls  go  to  work  on  their  forms, 
or  take  their  goods  for  sale  to  the  different  markets,  con- 
sequently not  many  people  are  left  in  the  towns  between  sunrise 
and  4 or  5 o’clock  in  the  afternoons — only  the  small  children, 
the  aged  and  the  sick.  By  5 o’clock  the  inhabitants  are  back 
in  their  towns,  and  any  person  arriving  about  that  time  is  sure 
to  find  the  people  at  home,  and  will  receive  a welcome  from 
them,  whereas  earlier  in  the  day  he  would  find  an  almost 
empty  town.  They  think  that  the  spirit  town  is  conducted  on 
very  much  the  same  lines  as  their  mundane  ones,  and  if  they 
bury  their  deceased  relative  during  the  morning  or  early  after- 
noon there  will  be  very  few,  if  any,  folk  to  welcome  him  to  the 
spirit  town,  hence  they  bury  their  dead  about  sunset.  The 
body  is  taken  out  by  the  ordinary  door  of  the  house,  and 
prepared  for  burial  outside.  While  the  body  of  a deceased 
father  is  being  wrapped  round  and  round  with  cloth,  four  yards 
of  the  burial  cloth  are  torn  off  and  given  to  each  child,  and  that 
cloth  is  for  “ mourning  for  the  father”  {mvindu  a e^e=dirt  for 
the  father,  i.e.  putting  on  dirt  for  the  father) ; and  those  four 
yards  each  are  all  that  the  children  inherit,  no  matter  how 
wealthy  their  father  might  be. 


DEATH  OF  A CHIEF 


271 


An  ordinary  person’s  body  is  carried  more  or  less  direct 
to  the  grave  from  the  house;  but  a chiefs  body  is  carried  over 
all  the  paths  of  the  town,  before  the  fronts  of  all  the  houses, 
for  his  spirit  to  say  good-bye  to  everybody  in  the  town.  The 
owner  of  each  house  has  to  fire  a salute  as  the  corpse  passes. 
Sometimes  the  men  carrying  the  corpse  pretend  that  it  will 
not  leave  the  town,  and  a sham  struggle  ensues  between  them 
and  the  body  to  get  it  to  the  burial-place. 

Makitu,  a great  chief  of  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district,  died 
and  was  buried  in  1898.  His  coffin  rested  on  three  pieces  of 
ivory  cut  from  one  tusk  which  he  had  saved  for  many  years 
for  this  purpose.  One  loaded  gun  was  buried  with  him,  so 
that,  when  he  arrived  in  the  “ spirit  forest,”  he  could  shoot 
the  witch  (ndoki)  who  had  caused  his  death.  The  family 
intended  to  bury  two  women  and  one  man  alive  in  the  grave, 
but  this  was  prevented  by  the  missionaries  who  were  living 
close  by : however,  it  is  still  uncertain  whether  one  woman,  who 
was  missed  about  the  time  of  the  funeral,  was  not  actually 
buried  with  the  corpse.  As  regards  the  ivory  and  other 
things  put  in  the  grave,  and  on  it  also,  the  natives  believe 
that  only  the  shell  (evuvu),  or  semblance  is  left  there.  If  any 
pei-son  removed  the  ivory  and  succeeded  in  selling  it,  he  would 
thus  prove  himself  to  be  a witch,  since  he  was  able  to  convert 
the  semblance  into  real  ivory.  Similarly,  if  a person  took  a 
plate,  a bottle,  or  a mug,  from  a grave  and  was  able  to  use 
it,  this  would  be  regarded  as  an  undeniable  proof  that  he  was 
a witch.  Such  a thief  would  in  the  old  days  have  been  killed 
immediately,  and  his,  or  her,  blood  poured  on  the  grave  to 
appease  the  robbed  and  wrathful  spirit.  In  the  olden  times 
slaves  were  killed,  and  their  blood  poured  on  the  graves  of  their 
master ; and  slaves  and  wives  also  w'ere  buried  in  his  grave  to 
accompany  their  master,  and  husband,  on  his  lonely  road  to 
the  “ spirit  town  ” in  the  great  and  mysterious  forest. 

When  a chief  died  in  French  Congo,  just  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river  from  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district,  in  November 
1908,  his  coffin,  made  by  a native  carpenter  of  my  acquaint- 
ance, measured  12  feet  by  3 feet  6 inches,  and  was  4 feet  deep. 


272 


WIDOWS 


As  he  had  no  heirs,  all  his  trade  goods  and  various  kinds  of 
property,  except  enough  to  pay  his  funeral  expenses,  were 
heaped  on  the  body,  or  rammed  into  the  coffin.  A native 
brickmaker  and  bricklayer,  whom  I knew  well,  received  an 
order  to  make  three  thousand  bricks  to  build  a vault  and  floor 
the  grave.  This  flooring  of  the  grave  was  intended  to  avert 
the  sinking  of  the  body  into  the  earth,  which  is  thought  to 
happen  when  the  earth  sinks  on  a grave.  Sometimes  huts  are 
built  over  the  grave,  and  articles  are  arranged  on  tables ; at 
other  times  the  things  are  placed  on  the  grave,  unprotected  by 
any  covering,  but  these  things  are  generally  broken,  i.e.  killed, 
that  their  spirits  may  go  to  their  former  owner  in  the  spirit  town. 

A baby  is  always  buried  near  the  house  of  its  mother,  never 
in  the  bush.  They  think  that  if  the  child  is  not  buried  thus, 
its  mother  will  be  unlucky  and  never  have  any  more  children. 
Perhaps  the  burying  of  the  child  near  its  parent’s  house  helps 
to  keep  alive  the  maternal  instinct,  which  results  in  the  be- 
reaved mother  bearing  another  child. 

Those  who  dig  a grave  must  go  straight  to  running  water 
and  wash  themselves  all  over;  and  those  who  have  handled  the 
body,  prepai’ing  it  for  burial,  must  wash  their  hands  and  arms. 
Those  who  dug  the  grave  or  touched  the  corpse  cross  their 
outstretched  arms  until  they  have  washed.  It  is  a sign  that 
they  are  unclean,  and  no  one  will  want  to  approach  them  or 
salute  them  until  they  have  purified  themselves. 

If  it  is  the  woman’s  Jirst  husband  who  has  died,  she  must 
take  his  bed,  and  one  or  two  articles  he  commonly  used,  to  a 
running  stream.  The  bed  is  put  in  the  middle  of  the  stream, 
and  the  articles  placed  on  it.  The  woman  washes  herself  well 
in  the  stream,  and  afterwards  sits  on  the  bed.  The  medicine-man 
goes  to  her  and  dips  her  three  times  in  the  water,  and  dresses 
her.  Then  the  bed  and  articles  are  broken,  and  the  pieces 
thrown  down-stream  to  float  away.  She  is  now  led  out  of  the 
stream,  and  a raw  egg  is  broken  and  given  to  her  to  swallow. 
A toad  is  killed  and  some  of  its  blood  is  rubbed  on  her  lips,  and 
a fowl  is  killed  and  hung  by  the  roadside.  These  sacrifices  having 
been  made  to  the  spirit  of  the  departed  one,  she  is  free  to 


Tombs  of  the  Kings  of  Kongo 


BREAKING  SPELLS 


273 


return  to  her  town.  On  arriving  there,  she  sits  on  the  ground 
and  stretches  her  legs  before  her,  and  her  deceased  husband’s 
brother  steps  over  them.  She  is  now  purified,  and  will  be  free 
to  marry  when  the  time  of  her  widowhood  is  completed.  This 
period  of  mourning  or  widowhood  lasts  from  one  to  two  years, 
according  to  the  importance  of  her  husband  in  the  town  and 
district.  These  ceremonies  are  not  observed  after  the  death  of 
any  but  the  first  husband,  and  then  they  must  be  strictly 
carried  out  to  the  very  letter,  or  no  other  man  will  desire  to 
mai’ry  her. 

For  a man  who  has  lost  his  first  wife,  a somewhat  elaborate 
ceremony  is  gone  through.  He  must  call  a certain  kind  of 
medicine-man  (the  ngang'  a lifiwalakazi^),  who  gives  him  a 
raw  egg  to  swallow.  The  bereaved  husband  then  enters  his 
house,  and  for  six  days  comes  out  only  at  night.  He  may  sleep 
only  on  a palm-basket,  i.e.  a basket  made  by  roughly  plaiting 
two  palm  fronds  together.  At  dawn  on  the  seventh  day  the 
male  relatives  of  the  deceased  woman  arrive  to  escort  him  to  a 
running  stream,  carrying  with  him  his  basket  bed.  On  arrival 
at  the  stream,  one  of  the  relatives  takes  the  bed  and  throws  it 
into  the  water,  scrapes  his  tongue,  shaves  him,  pares  his  nails, 
makes  three  cuts  on  his  arm,  and  finally  immerses  him  three 
times  in  the  river,  to  “ wash  away  the  death.”  The  widower 
then  returns  to  the  town,  and  a cock  and  hen  are  killed  and 
cooked,  and  eaten  by  the  relatives  of  the  deceased — the  males 
eating  the  cock,  and  the  females  the  hen.  The  greatest  care 
must  be  taken  not  to  break  a single  bone  of  either  fowl. 
Palm  wine  is  plentifully  drunk,  and  the  bereaved  is  rubbed 
with  oil  and  camwood  powder. 

At  sundown  the  bones  of  the  fowls  are  collected  and  tied 
in  a palm  leaflet,  and  buried  at  the  base  of  a young  palm  tree. 
From  those  who  are  present  the  medicine-man  selects  the  men 
and  women  who  have  never  been  bereaved  of  husband  or  wife, 
and  these  have  to  tread  in  the  earth  firmly  over  the  buried 
fowl  bones.  Those  who  thus  tread  in  the  bones  have  a taboo 

^ lAifwalakazi  is  probably  lufwa  lua  {n)  kazi,  from  lufwa  (=yu>a=to 
die)  death,  lua  = ot,  nkazi  = v/i{Q  and  husband. 


274 


SUICIDE 


put  upon  them  that  they  are  not  to  eat  palm  nuts  or  anything 
made  from  them,  until  a child  is  born  to  each  of  them.  A 
pumpkin  seed  is  added  to  the  charms  already  worn  by  the 
widower,  and  three  fibre  cloths,  dyed  black,  are  put  about  his 
waist,  and  thus  all  the  evil  spells  are  broken.  The  man  need 
not  wait  a year  or  two,  as  the  widow  does,  but  can  marry  as 
soon  as  the  wife  is  buried  and  the  above  rites  are  performed. 
He  must  observe  them,  as  otherwise  no  woman  would  dare  to 
marry  him.  When  he  returned  to  the  town  his  deceased  wife’s 
sister  stepped  over  his  outstretched  legs.  The  medicine-man 
receives  as  his  fee  a demijohn  or  large  bottle  of  palm  wine, 
and  from  fifty  to  one  hundred  strings  of  blue  pipe  beads. 

A person  killed  by  lightning  is  buried  at  the  cross  roads,  as 
he  (or  she)  is  supposed  to  have  been  slain  by  the  nzaji^  fetish, 
how  controls  the  lightning.  In  fact  all  those  persons  who  are 
killed  in  one  way  or  another  by  this  fetish  are  treated  in  the 
same  way,  e.g.  a man  who  bleeds  from  the  mouth  and  nose 
(probably  due  to  the  bursting  of  a bloodvessel)  is  said  to  be 
killed  by  the  nzaji  fetish,  and  his  corpse  is  put  into  a gi’ave  by 
the  roadside,  and  two  stakes  are  driven  into  him — one  through 
the  chest,  and  the  other  through  the  stomach.  The  man  who 
has  a skin  disease  called  “the  fire  of  God”  {tiya  twa  Nzambi), 
in  which  the  skin  puckers  up  and  blisters  as  though  burnt,  is 
thought  to  be  under  the  ban  of  the  nzaji  fetish,  and  when  he 
dies  he  is  buried  at,  or  near,  a cross  road.  The  diseases,  and 
death  by  lightning,  inflicted  by  the  nzaji  fetish  are  especially 
for  stealing,  but  not  solely  for  this  crime ; and  a person  who 
dies  by  lightning,  or  by  a nzaji  sickness,  is  regarded  as  a very 
bad  person,  and  his  body  must  not  be  buried  with  those 
belonging  to  respectable  folk. 

Suicide  was  not  common,  but  occasionally  we  heard  of  a 
man  or  woman  taking  his  or  her  life,  and  such  were  buried  at 
cross  roads  or  thrown  into  the  bush.  The  following  case  came 
under  my  notice : a man  living  at  Nkondo,  a village  in  the 
Ngombe  Lutete  district,  was  very  ill,  in  fact  near  to  death,  and 
did  not  desire  to  leave  his  property — trade  goods,  cloths,  guns, 

' See  Description  of  Fetishes,  p.  222. 


INSINCERE  GRIEF 


275 


gunpowder,  &c. — to  his  relatives,  for  he  regarded  them  with 
much  hatred.  So  he  made  up  his  mind  to  burn  down  the 
house  containing  his  goods.  He  waited  for  an  opportunity, 
and  one  night  when  five  persons — thi'ee  adults  and  two  children 
— were  sleeping  in  the  house,  he  locked  the  door,  set  fire  to  the 
structure,  and  rolled  himself  in  his  blanket  to  await  the  end. 
The  dry  grass  of  the  hut  burned  like  tinder,  and  the  powder, 
catching  fire,  caused  a tremendous  explosion.  Only  one  man 
escaped.  The  family  of  the  two  children  demanded,  and 
received,  compensation  for  their  death  from  the  suicide’s  family. 
The  adults  who  were  killed  belonged  to  his  family.  Whatever 
the  reason  for  his  grievance  against  his  family,  he  had  a terrible 
revenge.  He  was  buried  without  any  ceremony,  as  a suicide, 
at  the  cross  roads. 

As  we  have  watched  the  dancing,  drinking,  gun-firing,  and 
have  listened  to  the  drumming  and  chanting  of  the  mournful 
dirges,  we  have  asked  ourselves  again  and  again.  Is  there  any 
real  sorrow  for  the  death  of  the  person  whose  obsequies  are  filling 
the  village  with  hideous  noises.?  and  as  we  have  looked  on  the 
perspiring  dancers,  and  the  crowd  of  boozing,  feasting  men  and 
women,  bent  on  enjoying  themselves,  and  eagerly  getting  as 
much  amusement  as  they  could  out  of  the  passing  event,  we 
have  had  to  answer,  No,  that  is  not  true  grief ; but  when  we 
have  peered  into  the  hut,  or  gone  to  the  back  of  it,  and  seen 
two  or  three  woe-begone,  huddled  figures  with  their  tear-stained 
faces,  we  have  forgotten  the  laughing,  joking  crowd,  we  have 
become  suddenly  deaf  to  the  songs  and  chants  of  the  profes- 
sional mourners,  for  here  is  sorrow  as  true  and  sincere  as  ever 
pierced  the  hearts  of  those  with  white  skins;  and  our  heart 
going  out  to  them  in  sympathy,  we  have  removed  our  helmet 
and  sat  down  to  mourn  with  the  mourners,  and  our  sympathy 
has  never  been  refused. 


CHAPTER  XXV 


RELIGIOUS  BELIEFS! 

The  name  for  a Supreme  Being  (Nzambi)  is  known  all 
over  the  Lower  Congo,  and  indeed  among  all  the  tribes 
throughout  the  Avatershed  of  the  Congo  River ; but  the 
knowledge  concerning  Him  is  very  vague.  He  is  regarded  as 
the  principal  creator  of  the  world  and  all  living  creatures ; and 
it  is  thought  that  after  His  work  of  creation  He  withdrew 
Himself,  and,  since  then.  He  has  taken  little,  if  any  further 
interest  in  the  world  and  its  inhabitants.  He  is  spoken  of 
among  the  natives  as  being  strong,  rich,  and  good — so  good 
that  He  will  not  hurt  them,  hence  no  sacrifices  are  offered  to 
Him,  no  prayers  to  Him  ever  pass  their  lips,  and  they  never 
worship  Him.  As  the  Supreme  One  He  is  very  remote  from 
them,  unconcerned  in  their  welfare,  and  harmless,  therefore 
they  consider  that  there  is  no  need  for  them  to  trouble  about 
Him.  We  never  found  an  atheist  among  them,  but  their 
theism  is  of  a very  hazy  quality. 

Nkadi  a Mpemba  ® is  thought  to  be  the  source  and  fount  of 
all  evil,  and  it  is  said  that  it  lives  with  the  witches  {ndoki), 
and  that  all  the  witchcraft  really  comes  from  this  power;  in 
fact,  in  some  districts  Nkadi  a Mpemba  and  ndoki  are  inter- 
changeable terms.  This  power  is  more  feared  than  Nzambi, 
and  because  of  its  cruel,  malignant  nature  it  is  necessai'y  to 

* This  chapter  should  be  read  in  conjunction  with  the  chapter  on 
“ Religious  Beliefs  ” in  the  author’s  book  Among  Congo  Cannibals,  pp. 
24G--260.  That  chapter  and  this  one  are  complementary  to  each  other. 

* I have  avoided  the  use  of  the  word  devil  as  a translation  of  this 
name  as  it  connotes  too  much  in  our  language.  Perhaps  demon  would 
be  a fairly  good  equivalent  for  this  name  for  the  source  of  evil,  but  it 
is  a demon  that  can  be  soothed,  appeased,  and  helpful  to  those  who  know 
how  to  deal  with  it. 


276 


USE  OF  CHALK 


277 


appease  it.  All  their  fetishes,  charms,  medicine-men,  together 
with  their  sacrifices  of  fowls  and  goats,  are  either  to  circumvent 
this  influence,  or  to  appease  it  in  such  a way  as  to  gain  its 
goodwill.  The  word  nkadi  means  that  power  that  is  regarded 
as  the  origin  and  fount  of  all  evil,  and  rnpemha  means  chalk. 
Now  chalk  is  used  largely  in  the  making  of  their  charms,  and 
it  is  rubhed  on  the  bodies  of  the  medicine-men  when  they  are 
performing  their  ceremonies  and  incantations.  Sometimes  the 
whole  face  is  covered  with  it,  and  broad  bands  are  drawn 
down  the  arms  and  across  the  chest.  Is  this  word  for  the  origin 
of  evil  simply  the  evil  inflmnce  of  the  chalk,  i.e.  the  evil  power 
that  covers  itself  with  chalk  as  a sign  that  it  is  the  chief  of  all 
evil  powers  ? Or  is  it  that  power  which  freely  uses  chalk  as  a 
charm  to  make  itself  more  powerful  in  bewitching  folk  ? 
Those  who  desire  to  counteract  its  evil  influence,  or  win  its 
favour,  use  chalk  as  a pai’t  of  their  charm-making,  and  also  as 
a part  of  their  decoration  while  working  their  spells.  It  is  the 
custom  to  employ  a bit  of  a fetish  charm  to  remove  the  malig- 
nant influence  of  the  same  fetish,  and  a part  of  a person — hair, 
nail-parings,  saliva,  &c. — to  procure  a controlling  influence  for 
good  or  evil  over  them  ; and  do  the  medicine-men  use  chalk 
in  their  charms  and  on  their  persons,  to  gain  power  over  this 
origin  and  source  of  all  evil,  the  Nkadi  a Mpemba  ? It  is  very 
probable  that  the  Congo  man’s  devil  is  one  whitened  with  chalk, 
i.e.  a white  devil.  Certainly  a black  face  thus  whitened  is  very 
hideous,  and  is  enough  to  strike  terror  to  the  heart  of  any 
native. 

The  natives  never  try  to  recall  the  spirit  of  a dead  person, 
but  they  ask  why  it  left  them.  They  give  the  departing  one 
messages  to  carry  to  their  deceased  relatives  in  the  great  forest 
town  where  the  dead  are  supposed  to  congregate.  On  the 
other  hand,  when  a person  sneezes,  another  sitting  by  says, 
“ Come  quickly  ” {sazuka) ; and  when  a baby  sneezes  the 
mother  calls  out,  “Come  back  quickly”;  for  they  think  that 
the  spirit  leaves  the  body  in  sneezing,  and  they  thus  enjoin 
its  immediate  return.  The  spirit  of  the  deceased  is  supposed 
to  hover  about,  or  in,  the  corpse  until  it  is  buried ; and  some- 


278  REASON  FOR  GRAND  FUNERALS 


times  through  the  swelling  of  the  body,  from  putrefaction,  the 
strings  and  bands  round  it  crack  and  break.  When  the 
mourners  hear  these  noises  they  rush  helter-skelter  out  of  the 
hut  in  great  alarm,  thinking  that  the  spirit  is  about  to  raise 
the  person  again  to  life,  thus  indicating  that  the  spirit  is 
believed  to  be  in  or  near  the  unburied  corpse. 

The  grand  funeral  is  to  satisfy  the  departed  spirit  that  it 
is  properly  respected,  and  to  please  it,  that  it  may  not  return 
to  bewitch  with  sickness,  misfortune,  and  death  those  who  are 
left  behind.  The  man  while  alive,  and  his  spirit  when  he  is 
dead,  desire  above  all  things  a grand  entrance  into  the  spirit 
world — plenty  of  gun-firing,  shouting,  trumpet-blowing,  and 
women  musically  wailing,  so  that  the  spirits  will  say  (to  put  it 
in  the  words  of  a native),  “ Hullo,  who  is  this  coming,  about 
whom  they  are  making  so  much  noise”;  and  they  will  gather 
to  see  who  it  is  and  welcome  the  spirit.  Thus  the  status  of 
the  departed  one  in  the  next  world  depends  on  his  family 
burying  him  grandly,  and  their  comfort  in  this  world  depends 
on  burying  with  the  corpse,  and  expending  on  the  funeral 
festivities,  that  portion  of  the  deceased’s  wealth  which  he  set 
aside  for  this  specific  purpose,  otherwise  he  will  return  to 
haunt  them  with  witchcraft  in  one  or  other  of  its  many  forms. 

It  is  generally  believed  that  when  a person  dies  his  spirit 
goes  to  reside  in  a great,  mysterious  forest ; and  if  it  is  the 
spirit  of  a bad  person  then  it  becomes  an  evil  spirit  {nkwiyd) : 
and  it  is  commonly  believed  that  in  this  forest  the  spirits 
have  a great  town,  where  they  eat,  drink,  marry,  continue 
their  family  and  clan  relationships,  and  act  as  in  their 
former  earthly  life.  The  spirit  (mwanda)  is  able  to  leave  the 
forest  and  visit  the  mundane  towns.  The  spirit,  however,  that 
visits  the  former  scenes  of  its  life  on  earth,  only  to  work  havoc 
on  the  living  membei’s  of  its  family,  is  considered  to  be  a bad 
spirit  (rikwiyd),,  as  good  spirits  never  leave  their  forest  abode  to 
wander  about  troubling  the  living.  The  living  are  unable  to 
visit  this  forest  town,  as  they  do  not  know  the  road,  which  only 
the  dead  can  find  and  follow. 

Running  conjointly  with  this  view  is  another  which  is  held 


SPIRITS  GO  TO  SUN  OR  MOON  279 


by  many,  and  sometimes  both  views  are  accepted  by  one  and 
the  same  person : that  the  sun  is  the  place  of  punishment  for 
bad  spirits.  When  a native  wants  to  punish  a child  he  puts 
it  to  stand  in  the  strong  sun,  and  men  and  women  are  often 
tied  in  the  scorching  sun  as  a penalty  for  wrong  doing.  The 
moon  is  supposed  to  be  the  place  where  good  spirits  converse 
(moJca)  with  one  another.  After  death  they  say  there  is  a 
branching  of  the  roads  {mavamba  ma  njila),  one  leading  to  the 
sun  and  the  other  to  the  moon.  The  spirits  of  bad  folk 
always  take  the  former,  and  those  of  the  good  take  the  latter 
road.  When  there  is  a halo  round  the  sun  they  point  to  it 
as  a proof  that  a “judgment  court”  (mbaji  a nkanu)  is  being 
held  there,  and  the  punishment  allotted  to  the  bad  is  being 
confirmed  {sikidiswa)  by  the  Supreme  Being  (Nzambi);  and 
should  this  halo  appear  about  the  time  of  a death  the  relatives 
of  the  deceased  will  wail  long  and  loudly  because  their  de- 
parted one  has  gone  to  be  punished ; and  I have  known 
women  return  from  their  farms  when  they  have  seen  a halo 
round  the  sun : for  the  thought  of  the  punishment  being  in- 
flicted on  the  known  or  unknown  dead  was  too  much  for 
them  and  thoroughly  unnerved  them.  But  when  the  circle 
is  seen  round  the  moon  the  “judgment  court”  is  being  held 
there,  and  the  reward  is  being  confirmed  to  the  good,  and  the 
family  that  has  buried  a deceased  relative  about  that  time  is 
very  happy ; and  the  lunar  halo  is  also  accounted  for  by  the 
good  spirits  sitting  in  crowds  holding  a palaver,  or  conversing. 
Shooting  stars  and  comets  are  regarded  as  bad  spirits  (matom- 
bola),  and  they  can  fall  on  people  and  entering  them  change 
them  into  witches  (ndoki);  and  in  this  they  are  sometimes 
thought  to  be  bad  spirits  that  have  broken  away  from  the  sun. 
We  shall  refer  later  to  this  kind  of  spirit. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  sun  and  moon  theory,  as  the 
places  of  punishment  and  reward,  is  opposed  to  their  beliefs 
concerning  the  great  spirit  town  in  the  forests  described  above. 
I am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  sun  and  moon  theory  may  be 
a corruption  of  ancient  Roman  Catholic  teaching  on  purgatory, 
&c.,  and  that  the  spirit  town  in  the  forest  is  the  original  native 


280 


CO-EXISTING  THEORIES 


belief.  Sometimes  a curious  mixture  of  both  ideas  will  be 
found  co-existing  in  the  native  mind ; e.g.  if,  as  often  happens, 
there  is  no  halo  round  either  the  sun  or  the  moon  for  many 
weeks,  the  persons  buried  during  that  time  are  regarded  as 
neither  very  good  nor  very  bad,  and  are  therefore  believed  to 
have  gone,  not  to  the  sun  or  the  moon,  but  to  the  forest  spirit- 
town  ; and  it  is  the  spirits  of  such  that  are  supposed  to  be 
sometimes  reincarnated  in  their  infants.  While  there  is  a very 
general  belief  in  reincarnation  of  the  soul  (this  is  referred  to 
more  fully  in  the  chapter  on  Birth  and  Childhood),  there  is  no 
idea  of  resurrection  to  be  found  among  them  ; but  there  is  also 
a strong  and  wide  belief  in  the  continuity  and  personal  identity 
of  the  spirit  after  death. 

But  it  is  possible  for  the  living  to  destroy  the  spirit  of  the 
dead,  and  this  is  done  when  a spirit  {mwanda)  becomes  an  evil 
spirit  [nkwiya)  that  bewitches  those  members  of  its  family  who 
are  still  living  on  the  earth.  When  the  family  of  a dead  and 
buried  man  has  much  and  frequent  sickness  and  misfortune, 
and  all  other  means  having  failed  to  cure  them  or  bring  better 
luck,  they  dig  up  the  corpse  and  burn  it,  thinking  that  its 
spirit  is  a witch  that  is  desirous  of  malevolently  catching  the 
members  of  its  family  and  taking  them  to  the  forest  town.  By 
burning  the  corpse  they  think  the  spirit  is  destroyed,^  and  an 
end  put  to  its  evil  machinations.  It  is  not  supposed  that  the 
witch  killed,  cooked,  and  ate  its  victim,  but  that  it  took  its 
victim  for  a reason  of  its  own  to  the  spirit  town.  These  evil 
spirits  operate  through  the  living  on  the  living,  and  the  ordeal 
is  given  to  persons  suspected  of  witchcraft  to  discover  if  such 
spirits  are  operating  through  them.  Their  anger  is  first  against 
the  evil  spirit  (nkzviya),  and  then  against  the  medium  (ndoki), 
and  their  desire  is  to  kill  the  medium  so  as  to  drive  the  spirit 
back  to  its  dark,  forest  abode.  It  is  possible  for  a person  to 
be  a medium  and  not  know  it,  and  the  purpose  of  the  ordeal  is 
to  find  out  whether  or  not  the  accused  person  is  being  used  as 
such.  The  plea  of  ignorance  will  not  save  the  detected  witch 

1 See  p.  243  for  other  methods  of  destroying  the  spirits  of  the  dead 
that  are  accused  of  witchcraft  by  the  medicine-men. 


SHOOTING  STARS  AS  SPIRITS  281 


from  death,  because  if  a person  can  unconsciously  be  used  once, 
he  will  on  another  occasion  become  the  medium  of  another,  or 
the  same,  evil  spirit.  Besides,  who  among  a people  with  such 
uncontrolled  passions  and  such  lax  principles  has  not  wished 
at  one  time  or  other  for  the  death  of  this  or  that  member  of 
their  family,  and  thus  become  a suitable  medium  through  whom 
the  evil  spirit  {nkwiya)  could  operate  ? 

The  shooting  stars  {nienie)  are  believed  to  be  spirits 
(matombola)  travelling  or  playing  about  in  the  sky,  and  anyone 
seeing  them  will  rush  into  his  house  from  fear  of  one  of  them 
falling  on  and  entering  him.  Mothers  will  not  allow  their 
children  to  remain  out  of  the  house  when  there  are  shooting 
stars  about,  lest  one  of  them  should  enter  her  child.  The 
word  matombola  comes  from  tomba  = to  ascend,  and  it  is  thought 
that  these  spirits  have  ascended  from  the  graves — mouse-holes 
are  regarded  as  their  exits.  Having  ascended  from  the  graves, 
they  are  now  looking  out  for  bodies  into  which  they  can  enter, 
and  entering  they  become  evil  spirits  (nkwiya),  and  the  source 
of  various  kinds  of  witchcraft;  and  as  no  one  wants  to  be  a 
witch  they  get  out  of  the  way  of  shooting  stars  as  quickly  as 
possible.  These  matombola  do  not  confine  themselves  to 
shooting  stars,  but  wander  in  the  forest  and  enter  folk  by  other 
means,  hence  we  hear  of  them,  in  the  account  of  the  secret 
society  of  the  Country-of-the-dead,  as  taking  away  some  of  its 
members  (see  page  162).  They  also  come  out  of  the  graves  to 
steal  fowls,  &c.,  and  cause  other  kinds  of  mischief. 

We  have  then  the  spirit  (mwanda)  that  hovers  about  the 
deceased  until  buried,  and  then  goes  off  to  the  forest  town  of 
spirits,  or  either  to  the  sun  or  to  the  moon,  and  can  become 
an  evil  spirit  (nkwiya)  working  witchcraft  through  a medium 
(ndoki);  and  the  spirits  (matombola)  that  come  from  graves, 
and  show  themselves  to  be  evil  spirits  (nkwiya)  by  entering 
folk ; and  the  person  who  is  possessed  by  either  of  these  kinds 
of  spirits  becomes  a witch  (ndoki)  who  causes  sickness,  ill- 
fortune,  and  death.  Believing  as  they  do  that  by  burning  the 
body  the  spirit  is  destroyed,  one  is  surprised  that  they  do  not 
burn  every  corpse,  and  thus  not  only  save  the  trouble  of 


282 


A NEW  FETISH 


burying,  and  the  waste  of  the  enormous  wealth  put  in  the  graves, 
but  also  end  ninety  per  cent,  of  their  witchcraft  that  is  supposed 
to  be  rampant  through  the  evil  machinations  of  bad  spirits. 
This  they  probably  would  do,  but  annihilation  is  utterly  re- 
pugnant to  them,  for  they  know  that  the  measure  they  meted 
out  to  others  would  also  be  meted  out  to  them  on  death,  hence 
they  refrain  from  burning  a body,  or  trying  in  other  ways  to 
kill  the  spirit,  until  such  extreme  measures  have  been  ordered 
by  a witch-doctor. 

There  is  an  earnest  desire  on  the  part  of  the  natives  to  live 
for  ever  in  this  world  ; and  to  obtain  this  end  they  are  willing 
to  try  the  suggestions  of  any  pretender  who  comes  along  with 
a plausible  tongue.  The  following  incident  well  illustrates 
their  desire  for  life.  It  is  taken  from  Dr.  Bentley’s  Appendix 
to  the  Dictionary  and  Grammar  of  the  Kongo  Language,  page 
848,  under  the  word  Kinyamhi:  “In  the  year  1885  there 
appeared  in  Kongo  people  from  Luanda,  or  thereabouts,  telling 
the  following  story  ; a man  caught  a fish,  and  was  proceeding 
to  kill  it,  when  the  fish  begged  him  not  to  do  so,  for  anyone 
drinking  the  water  which  came  from  its  mouth,  or  in  which  it 
had  remained  for  any  time,  would  never  die  by  fair  means  or 
from  natural  causes ; only  by  witchcraft  could  their  death  be 
accomplished.  This  water  was  hawked  about  the  country,  and 
believed  in  very  .thoroughly  by  great  numbers,  even  in  San 
Salvador  itself.  It  really  promised  very  little  when  the  firm 
native  belief  in  witchcraft  is  remembered  ; it  was  nevertheless 
a great  success  as  a means  of  duping  the  ignorant,  foolish 
people.  When  it  was  seen  that  the  purchasers  died  like 
ordinary  mortals  the  traffic  ceased.” 

It  is  thought  that  in  dreams  the  spirit  {mwanda)  of  the 
dreamer  leaves  the  body  and  visits  the  persons  and  places  seen 
in  the  dream.  Should  they,  while  asleep  and  dreaming,  see  any 
one,  they  think  that  that  person’s  spirit  has  left  its  body  to 
visit  them,  and  they  regard  the  person  thus  seen  as  a witch 
who  has  come  to  squeeze  {jina)  the  life  out  of  them  while  asleep. 
Hence,  if  a man  has  a nightmare  in  which  he  dreams  that 
someone  tries  to  choke  him,  he  will  grunt,  snort,  and  waken 


NO  COMPOUND  SOUL 


283 


with  a start,  pei’suaded  that  he  has  been  attacked  by  a witch. 
Sometimes  in  a nightmare  they  see  curious  shapes,  and  for  this 
power  they  employ  the  words  fna  and  bolota,  which  mean  that 
the  witch  (ndoki)  has  ti’ansformed  itself  into  some  weird  form, 
and  sitting  on  a beam  of  its  victim’s  house,  it  sings  and  gloats 
over  its  sleeping  prey ; it  brings  the  influence  of  its  black  art, 
the  working  of  its  spell,  the  squeezing  out,  the  throttling,  of 
its  victim’s  life,  the  “ eating  of  his  heart,”  and  all  the  horrors 
of  bewitchment.  Sick  persons,  after  dreaming  that  they 
have  seen  a person  whom  they  recognise,  will  accuse  him  of 
witchcraft,  and  such  a charge  has  often  led  to  the  ordeal  and 
death.  To  avoid  dreams,  i.e.  to  keep  their  spirit  from  wander- 
ing about  at  night,  they  will  take  a piece  of  lighted  wood,  and 
spitting  on  it  three  times,  they  wave  it  three  times  round  the 
head  and  throw  it  beyond  their  feet  as  they  lie  on  their  bed, 
believing  that  the  dream  will  be  buried  beneath  the  ashes  of 
the  burning  wood. 

I do  not  think  that  these  people  believe  in  what  is  called  a 
“ compound  soul,”  or  dual  spirit,  “ one  element  of  which  leaves 
the  body  during  dreams,  and  the  other  ,only  leaves  at  death.” 
Any  native  will  tell  you  he  has  a body  (nito),  life  (moyo),  and 
a spirit,  or  soul  (mwanda).  It  is  the  mwanda  that  is  supposed 
to  leave  the  body  during  dreams,  but  during  the  dream  time 
the  person  has  life,  i.e.  the  moyo  remains  with  him.  Life  (moyo) 
is  always  used  as  the  antithesis  of  death  (mfwa).  Trees,  vege- 
tables, and  animals  have  moyo  while  alive,  and  when  dead, 
they  say  as  we  do,  “ The  life  is  gone  ” (moyo  ukatuJcidi).  Only 
the  nkasa  tree,  the  bark  of  which  is  used  for  the  ordeal,  is 
believed  to  have  a spirit  (mwanda),  and  only  very  tame  dogs 
and  pigs,  that  follow  their  masters  about,  and  come  at  their 
slightest  call,  are  said  to  have  a spirit  (mwanda) ; and  I there- 
fore think  that  moyo  is  simply  life,  or  the  principle  of  life,  and 
is  not  to  be  regarded  as  one  element  of  the  “ compound  soul.” 

With  regard  to  the  beliefs  of  the  people,  there  are  as  many 
variations  in  their  statements  as  there  are  individuals.  Having 
no  fixed  standard,  no  written  creed,  no  catechism,  no  court  of 
appeal  in  matters  of  faith  and  practice,  evei’yone  is  a law 


284 


NECESSARY  BELIEFS 


unto  himself.  There  is,  however,  one  thing  in  which  all  natives 
must  believe,  viz.  an  occult  power  called  loka,  to  bewitch,  the 
person  possessing  it  being  the  witch,  or  ndoki.  This  power  is 
always  malignant,  and  the  supposed  possessor  of  it  is  always 
hunted  to  death ; and  the  ordeal  test  by  rikasa  bark  is  firmly 
believed  to  be  the  most  sure  way  of  discovering  the  witchcraft 
in  the  witch.  For  a person  to  scout  the  idea  of  there  being 
such  a power  as  hka,  and  to  sneer  at  the  ordeal  being  able  to 
detect  the  witch,  is  to  prove  beyond  doubt  that  he  himself  is 
a witch,  and  the  sooner  he  is  killed  and  out  of  the  way  the 
better  it  will  be  for  the  community. 

The  belief  in  witchcraft  affects  their  whole  life,  and  touches 
them  socially  at  a hundred  different  points.  It  regulates  their 
actions,  modifies  their  mode  of  thought  and  speech,  controls 
their  conduct  towards  each  other,  causes  cruelty  and  callous- 
ness in  a people  not  naturally  cruel,  and  sets  the  various 
members  of  a family  against  each  other.  A man  may  believe 
any  theory  he  likes  about  creation,  about  the  Supreme  Being, 
and  about  the  abode  of  the  departed  spirits ; but  he  must 
believe  in  witches  and  their  power  for  evil,  and  must  in  unmis- 
takable terms  give  expression  to  that  belief,  or  be  accused  of 
witchcraft  himself.  A man  may  be  a devoted  believer  in 
charms  and  fetishes,  he  may  decorate  his  person,  his  house,  his 
children,  his  pigs,  his  goats,  and  his  dogs  wdth  as  many  charms 
as  he  can  afford  to  buy,  or  he  may  leave  all  the  charms  and 
fetishes  severely  alone,  and  no  one  will  think  the  better  or 
worse  of  him  ; but  he  must  believe  in  witchcraft,  and  in  witches 
and  their  horrible  power,  or  his  life  will  be  made  wretched  with 
accusations  of  witchcraft.  But  for  witchcraft  no  one  would 
die,  and  the  earnest  longing  of  all  right-minded  men  and 
w omen  is  to  clear  it  out  of  the  country  by  killing  every  detected 
witch.  This  hunting  out  the  witch,  this  tracking  down  of  the 
evil  thing,  is  open  to  all  kinds  of  abuses,  affording  many  oppor- 
tunities to  chiefs,  to  medicine-men,  and  to  others  to  clear  an 
enemy  out  of  the  way ; nevertheless  at  the  bottom  of  it  all  is 
the  desire  to  end  that  which  is  causing  deaths  daily  and  filling 
the  land  with  sorrow  and  tears.  Belief  in  witchcraft  and  in 


NECESSARY  BELIEFS 


285 


witches  is  interwoven  into  the  very  fibre  of  every  Congo- speak- 
ing man  and  woman,  and  the  person  who  does  not  believe  in 
them  is  a monster,  a witch,  to  be  killed  without  scruple  at  the 
earliest  opportunity. 

Another  essential  tenet  of  native  faith  is  a firm  belief  in 
the  nJcasa  ordeal,  and  that  it  has  such  detective  power  that  an 
accused  person  taking  it  is  either  honoured  or  cruelly  murdered, 
according  to  the  effect  the  drug  has  on  his  stomach  in  causing 
vomiting  or  otherwise.  The  man  who  expresses  his  doubts 
about  the  effectiveness  of  this  ordeal  does  so  at  the  risk  of  his 
life. 

A man  may  believe  or  disbelieve  in  medicine-men  and 
witch-doctors  without  dire  consequences  necessarily  resulting 
from  his  scepticism ; he  may  snub  a witch-doctor  and  talk 
slightingly  of  his  charms,  his  fetishes,  and  his  power ; he  may 
pass  one  by  to  call  in  a distant  medicine-man,  and  suffer  no 
inconvenience  from  his  sneering  attitude  towards  one  or  twenty 
of  the  fetish-men ; but  he  must  believe  in  witchcraft  and  the 
ordeal.  The  village  witch-doctor  is  seldom,  if  ever,  engaged 
by  the  natives  of  the  village  in  which  he  lives.  They  know 
too  much  about  him  to  waste  their  money  on  him.  They  see 
him  repairing  his  charms  and  fetishes  from  the  depredations  of 
rats,  cockroaches,  and  white  ants ; they  know  his  fetish  power 
and  his  charms  are  unable  to  keep  him,  his  wives,  his  children, 
or  even  his  goats,  pigs,  and  dogs  in  good  health ; so  they  flout 
him  and  send  for  the  medicine-man  of  another  village  of  whom 
they  know  little  or  nothing.  Therefore  a faith  in  all  witch- 
doctors is  not  a necessary  part  of  their  creed. 

Their  fetishes  are  very  numerous,  but  no  one  man  believes 
in  them  all.  Each  native  has  his  own  particular  few,  which  he 
regards  with  awe  and  respect,  sprinkles  with  fowl’s  or  goat’s 
blood,  and  patronises  in  a general  sort  of  way.  All  others 
he  regards  with  more  or  less  contempt.  If  everyone  had  firm 
faith  in  everybody  else’s  fetishes  as  well  as  in  his  own  the 
Congo  would  be  a paradise.  There  would  be  no  lying,  no 
thieving,  no  adultery,  &c.,  for  there  are  many  fetishes  to  expose 
liars,  thieves,  and  adulterers,  and  it  is  because  they  have  no  faith 


286 


RUMOUR  OF  A FLOOD 


in  those  fetishes  that  untruthfulness,  robbery,  and  immorality 
abound.  It  would  be  extremely  difficult  to  find  a person,  man 
or  woman,  who  has  not  been  guilty  of  all  three.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  are  fetishes  to  preserve  the  thief  and  liar  from 
detection,  and  fetishes  to  preserve  the  doer  of  every  kind  of 
evil  from  exposure  and  its  consequences.  If  a man  thieves  and 
is  not  found  out,  well,  his  fetish  is  powerful  and  helps  him  ; 
if  he  is  caught,  well,  the  other  man  has  the  stronger  fetish. 
Thus  a man  must  believe  in  witches,  witchcraft,  and  the  ordeal, 
but  he  is  not  bound  to  believe  in  every  kind  of  fetish  or  charm, 
though  he  generally  pins  his  faith  to  a few ; neither  is  he  forced 
to  receive  all  witch-doctors  at  their  own  valuation,  but  he 
believes  one  here  and  there  has  the  power  to  which  he  lays 
claim. 

The  natives  have  no  theory  about  the  origin  of  things,  not 
even  legends  of  the  ancient  ones  who  gave  birth  to  their  fore- 
fathers and  were  the  originators  of  their  tribes  and  clans. 

The  sun  and  moon  once  met  together,  they  say,  and  the 
sun  plastered  some  mud  over  a part  of  the  moon,  and  thus 
covered  up  some  of  the  light,  and  that  is  why  a portion  of  the 
moon  is  often  in  shadow.  When  this  meeting  took  place  there 
was  a flood,  and  the  ancient  people  put  their  porridge  (luku) 
sticks  to  their  backs  and  turned  into  monkeys.  The  present 
race  of  people  is  a new  creation.  Another  statement  is  that 
when  the  flood  came  the  men  turned  into  monkeys,  and  the 
women  into  lizards ; and  the  monkey’s  tail  is  the  man’s  gun. 
One  would  think  from  this  that  the  transformation  took  place, 
in  their  opinion,  in  very  recent  times ; but  the  Congo  native 
has  no  legend  concerning  the  introduction  of  the  gun  into 
their  country,  nor  any  rumoui’s  of  the  time  when  hunting  and 
fighting  were  carried  on  with  spears,  shields,  bows  and  arrows, 
and  knives. 

The  sky  is  supposed  to  be  like  the  ceiling  of  a house,  and 
that  far  away  there  are  posts  supporting  this  ceiling ; and  lads 
who  have  travelled  to  England  are  frequently  asked  if  they 
have  seen  the  pillars  that  support  the  sky.  Above  the  sky,  or 
this  ceiling,  is  a river  which  frequently  wears  away  its  bed  and 


Photo  by  Rev.  F.  Oldrieve 

Animal  Fetish  with  Human  Head 

Fetishes  are  usually  made  to  represent  men  or  women;  but  this  one  has  the 
body  of  an  animal  and  the  head  of  a man — a most  uncommon  form.  Found  in 
Ngombe  Lutete  district. 


Photo  by  Dr.  Mei'Cier  Gamble 


Main  Road  near  San  Salvador 

A white  umbrella  is  standing  among  the  grass  in  the  narrow  road.  This  is 
the  kind  of  bush  grass  through  which  the  traveller  must  push  his  way  when  passing 
across  the  country.  The  bush  grass  is  fired  every  season  for  hunting  purposes. 


BELIEFS  SET  IN  ORDER 


287 


comes  through  in  the  form  of  rain.  The  thunder  is  the  voice 
of  the  great  fetish  called  Nzaji,  and  the  lightening  is  Nzaji 
itself.  The  sun  sets  every  evening  in  the  sea,  but  during  the 
night,  while  they  are  sleeping,  it  steals  back  to  the  east  ready 
to  rise  in  the  morning. 

The  native  pure  and  simple  is  the  plaything  of  omens,  warn- 
ings, dreams,  auguries,  and  suchlike  prognostications  of  good 
and  evil.  He  may  occasionally  be  inclined  to  disregard  them, 
but  he  is  not  allowed  to  do  so  by  his  friends.  If  the  omen  is 
against  him,  and  he  will  not  take  warning,  his  comrades  and 
relatives  will  use  physical  force  to  save  him  from  himself.  If 
the  omen  indicates  that  he  will  be  killed  in  the  coming  fight, 
or  die  on  the  trading  expedition,  and  he  wishes  in  spite  of  the 
augury  to  go,  his  friends  will  securely  tie  him  with  ropes  and 
lock  him  in  a house  to  keep  him  from  disobeying  the  omen. 

The  native  is  thei’efore  influenced  by  belief  in  the  following 
various  powers,  arranged  in  the  order  of  their  importance : 
1.  Witches,  witchcraft,  and  all  kinds  of  evil  spirits.  2.  Ordeal- 
taking to  discover  the  witch,  or  to  test  a serious  accusation  of 
any  kind.  3.  Taboo,  and  the  evil  results  of  disregarding  its 
prohibitions.  4.  Divination  by  various  methods.  5.  Omens, 
good  and  bad.  6.  Ngangas,  i.e.  medicine-men,  witch-doctors, 
wizards,  &c.  7.  Fetishes  and  charms.  About  these  seven  things 
there  are  fairly  definite  and  almost  fixed  ideas  generally  ac- 
cepted by  the  people ; but  when  you  come  to  other  matters 
you  find  a veritable  “ olla  podrida  ” of  ideas,  chaotic  in  the 
extreme,  and  impossible  to  reduce  to  any  systematic  order.  The 
same  person  will  tell  you  at  different  times  that  the  departed 
spirit  goes  to  a mysterious  forest,  or  to  the  moon  or  to  the  sun, 
or  it  remains  in  the  grave,  or  wanders  about  the  sky  as  a shooting 
star.  There  is  no  coherence  in  their  beliefs,  and  their  ideas 
about  cosmogony  are  very  nebulous ; and  although  they  believe 
in  punishment  after  death,  yet  their  faith  in  this  is  so  hazy  that 
it  has  lost  all  deterrent  power.  If  in  these  paragraphs  a lack 
of  logical  unity  is  observed,  it  must  be  put  to  the  debit  of  the 
native  mind,  and  that  lack  of  unity  really  represents  the  mistiness 
of  their  views. 


288 


BELIEFS  SET  IN  ORDER 


From  the  preceding  paragraphs  the  reader  can  gather  what 
a Lower  Congo  native  must  believe  in  order  to  live  a quiet, 
unpersecuted  life,  and  also  those  matters  about  which  he  may 
show  utter  indifference  without  any  risk  of  being  regarded  as 
a monster  worthy  of  death. 

In  this  statement  of  native  beliefs  I have  tried  to  reflect  the 
native  mind.  It  would  have  been  possible  to  have  left  out 
ideas  here  and  there,  and  to  have  arranged  the  rest  in  such  a 
manner  that  they  would  have  dove-tailed  beautifully,  but  in  so 
doing  I should  have  given  my  view  of  the  religious  beliefs  of 
the  natives,  not  a faithful  account  of  theirs.  There  is,  how- 
ever, a unanimity  of  belief  among  all  Congo  tribes,  both  on  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Congo,  on  the  following  points:  a belief  in 
a Supreme  Being ; a knowledge  of  right  and  wrong ; a firm 
conviction  in  the  continuance  and  identity  of  a person’s  spirit 
after  death ; a belief  in  punishment  after  death ; a hazy  belief  in 
rebirth  in  infants,  but  no  knowledge  of  a resurrection. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 


POT  POURRI 

UNDER  this  heading  we  desire  to  relate  a number  of 
customs,  superstitions,  and  incidents  that,  for  various 
reasons,  have  not  been  included  in  the  previous  chapters ; 
but  which  we  hope  will  throw  further  light  on  the  black  man, 
and  his  strange  ways,  and  his  peculiar  outlook  on  life. 

I transcribe  an  excerpt  from  a letter  that  I wrote  in  Aug. 
1882,  when  I was  alone  at  San  Salvador,  and  quite  new  to  the 
people.  “ On  August  1,  from  10  to  12.30  fifty  carriers  arrived, 
their  names  were  taken  down,  their  loads  carefully  examined 
to  see  that  they  had  not  been  opened  en  route,  and  stored  in 
their  several  places.  After  mid-day  ‘ chop,’  it  was  my  sorrow- 
ful duty  to  pay  them  the  amount  due  for  carrying  the  loads 
from  Musuku  to  our  station — a five  days’  journey.  They  had 
each  to  receive  about  the  value  of  3^.  6d.  or  and  there  is  no 
small  fuss  when  they  receive  their  pay.  Imagine  the  dining- 
room in  our  house ; on  the  table  is  a display  of  a dozen 
varieties  of  trade  cloths,  over  the  back  of  the  wicker  sofa  are 
six  or  seven  different  kinds  of  old  soldiers’  coats  of  various  sizes, 
shapes,  and  colours,  and  on  another  table  are  beads,  knives, 
looking-glasses,  and  other  articles  of  barter,  for  we  have  brought 
out  of  our  stores  samples  of  everything  we  have  in  stock — 
specimens  of  all  our  ‘money’;  and  I am  seated  near  by  with 
a list  of  the  carriers’  names  in  my  hand. 

“ I call  out  several  names,  and  at  last  some  one  responds 
and  enters  the  house,  and  the  door  is  closed  on  him.  I tell 
him  the  prices  of  the  cloths,  &c.  He  looks  around  him  for  a 
few  minutes,  and  walks  deliberately  out  of  the  house  without 
receiving  his  pay,  but  as  he  goes  he  mutters  that  the  cloth  is 
bad  and  dear ; yet  my  predecessors  have  used  similar  cloths 

289  T 


290 


PAYING  CARRIERS 


for  the  last  four  years,  and  have  given  the  same  quantity  per 
load  as  I am  offering.  Can  you  imagine  fifty  men  all  trying  to 
be  heard  at  once,  all  acting  as  though  they  were  mad  with  rage, 
gesticulating  wildly,  all  asking  outrageous  prices,  all  wanting 
twice  the  amount  agreed  upon,  and  demanding  it  with  threats 
thrown  out  in  the  loudest  voices.  Finding,  however,  that  they 
exhaust  themselves,  and  I concede  nothing,  they  quieten  down, 
and  when  there  is  a lull  in  the  Bahel,  I call  another  name,  the 
owner  of  which  steps  into  the  house.  He  is  a facetious  young 
man,  a dandy,  and  wishes  for  a soldier’s  coat.  He  tries  first 
one  and  then  another  until  he  has  handled  all  of  them,  wasting 
the  time  while  there  are  fifty  men  clamouring  for  pay  outside 
the  door.  I lose  patience  with  him,  and  calling  on  him  to  take 
one  quickly  or  go  without,  he  picks  up  one  and  leaves  the  place. 

“ Now  that  one  has  taken  his  pay  they  all  desire  to  be  paid 
at  once,  consequently  they  answer  quickly  to  their  names,  choose 
their  cloth  without  delay,  and  leave  the  house.  Before  they 
went  down  for  a load  they  knew  what  cloths  we  had,  their 
prices,  &c.,  or  they  would  not  have  gone  for  a load,  and  on  the 
road  they  talk  about  the  kind  of  cloth  they  are  going  to  draw. 
There  are  some  who  have  not  decided  what  to  take,  and  they 
aggravate  the  white  man  by  turning  over  all  the  cloths,  like 
thoughtless  women  in  a draper’s  shop.  There  are  others  who 
want  to  be  paid  before  their  turn,  so  they  would  crowd  into  the 
house  every  time  the  door  was  open,  and  have  to  be  driven 
out  to  await  their  turn.  At  last  they  are  all  paid  and  gone. 
Now  if  I were  to  send  next  week  to  these  men  and  say  that  I 
wanted  fifty  carriers,  most,  if  not  all,  would  go  down  to  the 
river  again,  and  bringing  up  another  load  each,  they  would 
repeat  over  again  what  I have  tried  to  describe  above.” 

I found  afterwards  that  on  their  way  back  to  San  Salvador, 
knowing  that  I was  but  a young  man,  and  finding  that  I was 
alone  (my  colleague  having  left  to  visit  another  part  of  the 
country),  they  decided  to  try  to  bluff  me  into  paying  more 
per  load ; but  failing,  their  efforts  in  that  direction  gradually 
wore  away,  and  they  would  at  last  come  one  after  the  other, 
quickly  take  their  pay,  and  go,  greeting  me  with  a “ Stop  well” 


Lent  by  Sir  H.  Johnston^  G.C.M.G* 

Lower  Congo  Pottery 

These  large  pots  are  used  for  palm-wine  and  native  beer.  No  wheel  is  employed  when  moulding 
the  pots.  After  drying  they  are  fired,  and  some  are  glazed,  while  hot,  with  gum  copal. 


Photo  by  Rev,  J.  S,  Bowskill 

Washing  a Child 

When  the  village  is  far  from  a stream,  and  water  is  scarce,  the  child  is  seated  in  a bowl  and 
water  poured  over  it  from  a calabash.  If  an  infant  is  to  be  washed,  it  is  held  by  one  hand,  and 
water,  from  a saucepan,  is  thrown  over  it  with  the  other  hand. 


THE  EVIL  EYE 


291 


{sala  kiambote)  as  they  left  the  house.  I have  found  it  wisest 
to  state  a fair  price  for  work,  for  cariying,  and  for  fowls,  goats, 
&c.,  and  not  alter  it ; and  when  the  natives  know  that  you 
have  only  “ one  mouth,”  they  will  either  accept  your  price,  or 
leave  without  worrying  you  half  a day  to  give  another  penny 
for  the  article.  You  may  very  occasionally  lose  something  that 
you  want,  but  you  will  save  much  time,  and  temper,  and  con- 
siderably increase  the  number  of  your  real  working  hours. 

The  “ evil  eye  ” is  supposed  to  receive  its  power  from  a 
fetish  called  ezau  (from  zaula=to  scoop  away).  A woman 
whom  I knew  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district,  who  was  not  ready 
to  gather  the  peanuts  from  her  farm,  successfully  objected  to 
the  other  women  gathering  their  peanuts,  although  they  were 
quite  ripe  for  harvesting,  lest  they  put  the  “ evil  eye  ” (ezau)  on 
her  patch,  and  thus  destroyed  the  possibility  of  a good  yield. 
She  believed  that  they  had  the  power,  by  using  the  “ evil  eye,” 
to  draw  the  nuts  underground  from  her  field  to  theirs;  and 
they  also  think  that  the  “ evil  eye  ” can  draw  cloth,  &c.,  out  of 
one  house  to  another,  or  by  the  use  of  it  the  owner  of  the  “ evil 
eye  ” can  put  a ban  on  the  goods  of  others,  and  thus  become 
rich  by  their  misfortunes. 

The  ingredients  of  the  “ evil  eye  ” charm  are  known  only  to 
the  maker  and  user,  and  the  possession  of  such  a charm  is,  of 
course,  a secret,  as  those  thought  to  be  in  possession  of  one  are 
quickly  accused  of  witchcraft.  The  possessor  of  such  a charm 
can  even  call  away  the  soul  of  an  enemy,  and  the  soulless  one 
will  soon  die.  A very  similar  fetish  to  the  “ evil  eye  ” is  that 
of  mbambudi  (from  bambula=i  to  deflect,  to  transfer  in  a 
mysterious  way) ; and  the  owner  of  this  fetish  is  supposed  to 
have  the  power  of  causing  farm  produce  to  leave  an  enemy’s 
farm  and  go  to  that  belonging  to  the  owner  of  this  charm,  or 
client  of  the  medicine-man  of  this  cult  {ngang'  a mbambudi). 
Fruit  is  also  mysteriously  stripped  from  the  enemy’s  tree,  and 
made  to  hang  from  the  trees  of  others.  Ti’ade  goods  can  be 
spirited  from  one  house  to  another;  and  anyone  known  to 
possess  this  charm  on  him  is  not  allowed  to  stay  or  sleep  in  a 
strange  town,  as  the  people  fear  its  power.  This  and  the  “ evil 


292 


THE  EVIL  EYE 


eye”  fetish  are  both  nullified  by  using  the  “to-morrow” 
(JcimbaJi-mbaji)  charm.  This  charm  is  made  by  the  medicine- 
man ingang'  a himbaji-mbctji)  by  putting  various  herbs  into  a uni- 
valve shell.  When  a person  feels  under  the  power  of  the  “ evil 
eye,”  she  sends  for  the  medicine-man  who  owns  a strong  “ to- 
morrow ” fetish  to  make  her  a protective  charm,  which  he  does 
by  ramming  the  herbs  into  a shell,  and  killing  a fowl,  and  putting 
some  of  its  blood  into  the  shell,  he  marks  a cross  on  it  with 
chalk,  and  then  placing  it  on  the  ground  with  eight  heaps  of 
gunpowder  round  it,  he  then  explodes  the  powder,  blows  his 
whistle  vigorously,  and  thus  arouses  the  charm  to  work  effec- 
tively. Sometimes  by  a trick  he  makes  the  shell  move  along 
the  path,  to  the  astonishment  of  all  present.  After  this  any- 
one who  desires  to  do  harm  to  the  person  under  the  protection 
of  this  charm  always  puts  off  committing  the  evil  until  to- 
morrow, and  thus  the  charm-protected  person  is  never  hurt,  as 
to-morrow  never  comes. 

It  is  considered  extremely  unlucky  for  a woman  to  count 
her  children  one,  two,  three,  and  so  on,  for  the  evil  spirits  will 
hear  and  take  some  of  them  away  by  death.  The  people 
themselves  do  not  like  to  be  counted ; for  they  fear  that 
counting  will  draw  to  them  the  attention  of  the  evil  spirits,  and 
as  a result  of  the  counting  some  of  them  will  soon  die.  In 
1908  the  Congo  State  officials,  desiring  to  number  the  people 
for  the  purpose  of  levying  a tax,  sent  an  officer  with  soldiers  to 
count  them.  The  natives  wouH  have  resisted  the  officer,  but 
he  had  too  many  soldiers  with  him ; and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  fights  have  taken  place  between  whites  and  blacks  in  other 
parts  of  Africa,  not  that  they  resisted  the  taxation,  but  because 
they  objected  to  be  counted  for  fear  the  spirits  would  hear  and 
kill  them. 

In  the  early  eighties  matches  were  scarcely  known  in  the 
Congo  hinterland,  but  flint  and  steel  were  in  common  use 
throughout  the  country.  These  were  probably  introduced  by 
the  early  Portuguese.  Before  the  introduction  of  flint  and 
steel  {ebindwa),  there  is  a rumour  that  two  pieces  of  wood  were 
rubbed  together  to  produce  fire;  and  before  that  there  is  a 


ORIGIN  OF  FIRE 


293 


legend  that  fire  came  first  from  above  by  lightning  striking  a 
tree  and  setting  it  on  fire.  People  will  not  go  near  a tree  that 
has  been  struck  by  lightning,  and  if  the  tree  happens  to  be 
near  the  road,  anyone  who  passes  it  will  stop  and  tie  a single 
bow  every  time  he  or  she  goes  along  that  road.  A mother 
will  put  the  grass  into  the  hand  of  her  child  while  she  ties  the 
bow.  This  is  to  avert  some  indefinable  evil  that  will  fall  on 
them  should  they  omit  the  observance  of  this  rite.  When 
palm  trees  and  nsaju  fruit  trees  are  struck  by  lightning,  no 
one  will  eat  again  of  their  fruits,  and  the  same  applies  to  any 
fruit  trees.  It  may  be  that  the  tree  struck  by  lightning  is 
supposed  to  be  under  the  special  ban  of  the  nzaji  fetish,  or 
has  done  something  to  be  worthy  of  its  punishment,  hence 
those  who  can  avoid  the  tree,  and  those  w^ho  have  to  pass  near 
the  ns:<yi-cursed  tree  tie  a single  bow  to  avert  a like  misfortune 
from  falling  upon  themselves.^  There  is  another  native  legend 
that  once  there  was  no  fire  on  the  earth,  and  a man  sent  a 
jackal,  which  at  that  time  was  tame  and  lived  in  the  villages, 
to  where  the  sun  sets  to  bring  some  fire  from  it,  but  the  jackal 
found  so  many  good  things  there  that  he  never  returned  again 
to  the  abode  of  man.  The  natives  say  among  themselves  that 
far  away  to  the  north  are  whole  tribes  who  know  nothing 
about  fire,  and  eat  their  food  uncooked  and  their  meat  raw ; 
but  they  themselves  have  never  seen  such  folk — they  have  only 
heard  about  them  in  their  talks  around  the  evening  fire. 

The  three  stars  in  Orion’s  belt  are  called,  “the  dog,  the 
palm-rat,  and  chief  hunter  ” (mbwa,  yo  nziji^yo  nkongwa-mhwa) ; 
and  about  these  three  stars,  the  children  sing : “ The  Hunter 
follows  his  Dog,  the  Dog  follows  the  Palm-rat,  the  Palm-rat 
goes  near  to  the  Hunter,  the  Hunter  to  whom  the  Gun  is 
fixed,  the  Gun  it  kills  it.”  Venus  is  named  “the  wife  of  the 

^ If  the  lightning  has  burnt  the  grass,  and  not  touched  a tree,  the 
passer-by  must  tie  a knot  in  the  nearest  untouched  grass,  or  a single 
bow.  At  such  places  hundreds  of  knots  and  bows  will  be  seen.  A 
knotted  string  is  put  round  the  arm  of  the  woman  to  ward  off  the  curse 
against  child-bearing.  Knots  are  supposed  to  have  power  to  guard 
against  bad  luck. 


294 


WATER-SPRITES 


moon  ” (NTcaz'  a Ngonde) ; and  the  Pleiades  are  regarded  as 
“the  caretakers  who  guard  the  rain”  (Ndundalunda  zalunda 
mvula).  It  is  thought  that  the  rain  comes  from  the  Pleiades, 
and  if,  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season,  this  constellation 
is  clearly  seen,  the  natives  expect  a good  rainy  season,  i.e. 
sufficient  rain  for  their  farms  without  a superabundance. 

The  water-sprites  (ximbi)  have  the  credit  for  keeping  the 
water  good  and  fit  to  drink.  These  sprites  are  said,  by  those 
who  pretend  to  have  seen  them,  to  have  short,  little  bodies 
which  are  of  a whitish  colour.  They  are  responsible  for 
fissures,  chasms,  and  landslips ; and  are  said  to  travel  in  the 
whirlwinds  and  great  storms.  Formerly,  when  a white  person 
died  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district,  the  natives  said  that  the 
sprites  that  inhabit  the  local  streams  did  not  like  the  white 
people,  and  that  was  the  reason  why  so  many  of  them  died. 
As  snakes  are  to  be  found  frequently  among  the  stones  along 
the  banks  of  rivers  and  streams,  they  are,  therefore,  regarded 
as  being  under  the  special  protection  of  these  sprites,  and  are 
sometimes  said  to  be  incarnations  of  them.  The  water-sprites, 
according  to  some  of  the  stories  told  about  them,  are  thought 
to  possess  powers  very  similar  to  those  with  which  we  endow 
our  fairies. 

A large  number  of  natives  still  believe  that  we  white  folk 
do  not  weave  our  cloth,  but  that  the  sea-sprites  (ximbi  ya  mbu) 
weave  it  for  us  beneath  the  waves  : and  that  we  have  found  an 
opening  leading  to  their  oceanic  factoi-y,  and,  whenever  we 
need  cloth,  the  captain  of  a steamer  goes  to  this  hole  (ntumpd) 
and  rings  a bell ; and  the  sprites,  without  showing  themselves, 
push  up  the  end  of  a piece  of  cloth,  and  the  captain’s  men  pull 
on  it,  one,  two,  three,  or  more  days  until  he  has  all  he  I’equires. 
He  then  throws  in,  as  payment,  a few  dead  bodies  of  black 
people  he  has  bought  from  those  bad  native  traders  who  have 
bewitched  their  people  and  sold  them  to  the  wffiite  men,  who 
buy  them  for  this  purpose ; and  he  then  steams  back  to  land ; 
meanwhile  the  captain’s  men  cut  and  fold  the  cloth  into  pieces, 
and  bind  it  in  bales.  Those  thrown  into  the  sprite-hole 
become  the  slaves  of  the  sprites,  making  things  for  them  and 


NATIVE  GREED 


295 


doing  menial  work.  Enamel-ware,  cutlery,  &c.  are  not  manu- 
factured by  white  people,  but  are  the  products  of  black  men 
spirited  away  to  the  countries  of  the  white  men,  where  they 
are  held  in  dire  slavery  and  forced  to  make  these  things.  It 
has  been  often  pointed  out  to  me  that  cloths  are  too  finely  woven 
to  be  the  work  of  white  men  with  two  eyes,  but  are  made  by 
the  sea-sprites,  who,  having  only  one  eye,  have  the  sight- 
power  of  two  concentrated  in  it,  and  are  consequently  able 
to  weave  these  fine  textures. 

In  books  of  travel  Congo  chiefs  are  generally  held  up  as 
rapacious,  greedy,  and  extortionate  in  their  demands  on  the 
white  men  who  pass  their  way — and  such  accounts  have  much 
truth  on  their  side.  I do  not  desire  to  excuse  the  greedy 
rapacity  exhibited,  but  I should  like  to  state  fairly  the  reason 
for  their  insatiable  demands  on  the  white  travellers  who  fall 
into  their  clutches.  All  the  white  men  seen  by  natives  appear 
to  be  most  inordinately  rich,  and  even  a comparatively  poor 
white  man  is  wealthy  in  their  eyes.  Until  recently,  every 
white  man  on  the  Congo  was  connected  with  a trading  com- 
pany, the  railway,  a missionary  society,  or  the  Government,  and 
the  riches  belonging  to  the  body  corporate  that  they  repre- 
sented were  credited  as  owned,  more  or  less,  by  the  poorest 
member  of  their  staff.  They  saw  a white  man  write  a letter, 
and  in  return  bales  of  cloth,  boxes  of  barter  goods,  and  cases 
of  provisions  arrived.  They  knew  nothing  of  payments  made 
in  the  home  countries.  They  observed  the  cause — a letter,  and 
the  result — the  arrival  of  unlimited  wealth. 

From  whence  came  such  riches  ? Why,  those  sea-sprites 
weave  their  cloths,  and  they  can  procure  as  much  as  they  care 
to  pull  up  from  the  sea ; and  their  resurrected  relatives  are 
slaving  for  the  white  man,  making  all  kinds  of  things  for  him  in 
this  country,  therefore  they  tried  to  get  as  [much  as  they  could 
out  of  the  white  man  they  happened  to  have  in  their  district  or 
village. 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  chiefs  and  people  hated  the  white 
man  until  they  came  to  know  him  better.?  And,  believing 
what  they  did — and  a large  number  still  hold  the  above  views 


296  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  CONGO  RIVER 


— about  the  ease  with  which  we  procured  our  barter  goods, 
the  surprise  is,  not  that  they  asked  so  much,  but  that  they 
demanded  so  little ! On  the  continent  of  Europe  the  English 
“milords”  are  mulct  in  many  ways  because  they  are  so  gener- 
ally regarded  as  being  very  rich ; and  in  Africa  the  chiefs  have 
tried  to  mulct  all  white  men  because  of  their  supposed 
enormous  wealth  gained  so  easily,  and  by  such  wicked  means. 

On  the  West  Coast,  a few  degrees  south  of  the  Equator, 
the  waters  of  the  second  largest  river  in  Africa,  and  the  sixth 
longest  in  the  world,  empty  themselves  into  the  Atlantic. 
The  volume  flowing  from  the  seven-niiles-wide  mouth  ^ of  the 
Congo  is  so  great  that  for  over  eighty  miles  the  sea  is  coloured 
a brownish  hue  to  the  eye,  and  is  brackish  to  the  taste.  The 
impetuous  force  of  the  strong  current  is  such  that  only  a slight 
appreciable  difference  is  observed  between  high  and  low  tide. 

Three  thousand  miles  away,  in  South  Central  Africa,  the 
Congo  is  daily  born  not  many  miles  from  the  sources  of  the 
Nile,  and  receiving  tribute  from  the  innumerable  rivers  of  its 
more  than  a million  and  a half  square  miles  of  territory,  it 
gains  in  depth  and  force  as  it  proceeds  in  its  ever-onward  rush 
to  the  ocean.  It  is  estimated  that  more  than  ten  thousand 
miles  of  tributary  rivers  feed  the  mighty  stream.  And  more 
than  one  of  those  tributaries  can  easily  outi’ival  the  Thames  in 
length,  width  and  volume. 

Dom  Diogo  Cam  first  discovered  the  Congo  in  1482,  and> 
greatly  daring,  sailed  his  vessel  up  the  mysterious  river  for 
more  than  a hundred  miles,  and  left  his  mark,  only  recently 
discovered,  on  the  rocks  above  Matadi.  One  would  like  to 
have  a detailed  record  of  the  impressions  of  the  first  white  man 
to  do  battle  with  the  current  of  the  Lower  Congo — a current 
which  four  hundred  years  later  was  to  play  with  ocean  steamers, 
and,  if  not  persuadingly  coerced,  was  to  twist  them  about  like 
corks  ; but  besides  the  strong  current  there  were  jagged  rocks, 
sand-banks,  and  shallows  (on  which  more  than  one  steamer  was 
to  come  to  grief)  which  were  very  difficult  for  a vessel  dependent 
The  estuary  of  the  Congo  is  15  miles. 


STANLEY  AND  THE  CONGO  RIVER  297 


on  the  wind  that  rarely  blows  up-river  until  the  afternoon, 
and  often  fails  when  most  needed. 

Nearly  a hundred  years  ago,  in  1816,  Captain  Tuckey  sailed 
up  the  Congo  as  far  as  Diogo  Cam,  and  there  encountering  the 
Yelala  Rapids,  he  and  his  party  travelled  overland  a few  miles, 
only  to  meet  such  disaster  and  death  as  rendered  the  expedition 
impossible.  Others  followed — like  Owen,  Hunt,  and  Richard 
Burton ; but  none  solved  the  problem  of  whence  it  came,  or  what 
tribes  peopled  its  banks.  The  cataract  region,  stretching  from 
Matadi  to  Kintamo  Falls,  a distance  of  over  two  hundred 
miles,  made  it  impracticable  either  to  sail  or  steam  into  the 
interior ; and  the  rugged,  hilly,  almost  mountainous  country, 
peopled  with  wild  savages,  rendered  it  impossible  for  any^but  a 
small  army  to  penetrate  its  secrets. 

Meanwhile,  far  away  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  the 
great  and  gentle  Livingstone  was,  in  his  many  journeyings, 
crossing  and  recrossing  its  sources ; and  while  recuperating  his 
toil-worn  frame  on  the  Lualaba  he  more  than  half  guessed  that 
the  waters  flowing  at  his  feet  broke  their  land  bounds  on  the 
western  coast  under  the  well-known  name  of.  Congo.  There 
was  an  attempt,  unfortunately  abortive,  to  call  the  river  by  his 
name — a name  truly  worthy  of  the  great  river,  and  a river  also 
worthy  of  the  great  name  of  Livingstone — a fitting  memorial 
of  all  he  did  and  suffered  for  Africa. 

In  1877  H.  M.  Stanley,  having  entered  Africa  on  the  east, 
and  making  his  dramatic  reappearance  on  the  west  coast,  set  at 
rest  for  ever  the  problem  of  the  Congo  waterway.  Since  his 
day  scarcely  a square  mile,  certainly  no  square  mile  of  impor- 
tance, of  the  Congo’s  vast  watershed  has  been  left  untraversed 
by  a white  man.  Many  reputations  have  been  made  in  this 
work  of  exploration,  and  a few  lost ; and  the  toll  in  life  and 
money  has  been  enormous ; but  the  map  that  we  knew  in  our 
youth  as  the  easiest  to  draw  at  school  because  of  its  great  blank 
spaces  is  shunned  to-day  by  school  lads  because  of  the  intricacy 
of  its  river  systems  and  the  peculiarities  of  its  numerous  place- 
names. 

Why  was  this  great  river  ever  called  the  Congo  ? In  a copy 


298 


NAMES  OF  THE  RIVER 


of  an  old  map  in  our  possession  dated  1591  it  is  named  Rio  de 
Congo,  perhaps  on  account  of  it  flowing  through  the  ancient 
Kingdom  of  Congo ; but  the  Portuguese  poet  Camoens,  in  his 
Lusiads,  canto  v.  13,  calls  it  the  Zaire : 

“ There  lies  the  Congo  Kingdom  great  and  strong. 

Already  led  by  us  to  Christian  ways ; 

Where  flows  the  Zaire,  river  clear  and  long, 

A stream  unseen  by  men  of  ancient  days.” 

This  same  word  Zaire  is  but  a softening  of  the  native  name 
Nzadi,  which  obtains  to  this  day,  and  simply  means  “the 
river,”  in  contradistinction  to  all  other  rivers  and  streams, 
which  have  separate  names  to  distinguish  them  from  each  other 
and  the  river — the  Nzadi.  By  the  natives  of  the  estuary  it  is 
called  Mwanza ; by  the  Bakongo  folk  it  is  known  as  Nzadi ; 
by  the  Bateke  it  is  spoken  of  as  Njali — only  another  way  of 
saying  Nzadi ; by  the  Bobangi  just  above  Stanley  Pool  it  is 
called  Ebali ; and  the  tribes  from  there  to  Stanley  Falls  know 
it  as  Loi,  and  all  these  various  names  mean  nothing  more  than 
river.  It  is  possible  that  beyond  the  Falls  its  various  titles  in 
the  different  dialects  may  still  point  to  it  as  the  river  par 
excellence.^  in  native  talk. 

The  writer  has  a thirty  years’  acquaintance  with  the  Congo 
River.  He  has  watched  its  many  and  varying  moods,  seen  it 
smiling  in  the  tropical  sunshine  with  the  kindly  breezes  ruffling 
its  laughing  face  into  pleasant  ripples;  and  he  has  seen  it 
frowning  in  its  anger  with  the  fierce  tornados  lashing  it  into 
furious  rage.  He  has  had  an  early  breakfast  and,  entering  a 
rowing-boat,  has  glided  with  exhilarating  swiftness  down  mid- 
steam, and  reached  Banana,  a hundred  miles  away,  long  before 
sunset ; but  it  has  taken  five  long,  hard  days  with  sail  and  oar 
to  stem  the  current  up-river  to  his  home.  There,  by  the  jutting 
bank,  abreast  of  Diamond  Rock,  with  twelve  strong  Bangalas 
at  the  oars,  his  boat  again  and  again  has  been  driven  back, 
baffled  and  beaten,  when  another  few  yards  would  have  put  it 
in  the  quiet  up-current  just  round  the  point.  “Fall  back, 
massa;  when  we  done  rest  we  fit  for  try  once  more,”  the 


I 


By  permission  o/ 

Bridgk  across  a Swamp 

In  many  of  the  valleys  the  water  collects  forming  large  swamps.  These  are  s 
this  rough  fashion.  The  sticks  are  bound  together  by  vine  ropes.  This  swamp  i 
Salvador. 


Rev.  J . L.  Forfcitt 

>melimes  bridged  in 
on  the  road  to  San 


“HELL’S  CAULDRON” 


299 


perspiring  Bangalas  have  said,  well  knowing  and  fully  appreci- 
ating the  fact  that  to  fail  now  meant  many  extra  hours  in 
rowing  across  river  and  working  up  the  other  side. 

So  we  have  “ fallen  back  ” and  rested  more  than  once,  only 
to  acknowledge  ourselves  defeated  later,  and  then,  like  whipped 
beasts,  we  have  slunk  across  the  river  and  were  carried  by  the 
rushing  current  two  or  three  miles  down-stream  before  we  could 
touch  the  other  bank.  Sometimes  we  conquered,  and  directly 
we  had  made  sure  of  our  victory  we  have  shouted,  laughed,  and 
shaken  hands  with  each  other  in  very  exuberance  of  feelings. 

There,  off  Tunduwa  Point,  is  what  is  now  called  “ Hell’s 
Cauldron,”  perhaps  a more  appropriate  name  than  the  Portu- 
guese one  of  “ Bocco  de  Inferno,”  where  the  water  is  constantly 
seething  and  bubbling  with  whirlpools  like  a boiling  pot. 
There  are  several  currents  running  at  cross  purposes  in  that 
“ Cauldron  ” ; and  steamers  of  the  largest  tonnage  must  go 
cannily  or  they  will  be  twirled  about  like  toy  boats.  This  has 
happened  more  than  once,  and  who  can  be  surprised  at  it  ? — 
for  there  in  that  narrow  half-a-mile  channel  off  Tunduwa 
Point  more  than  10,000  miles  of  rivers  are  pushing  their 
hurried  way  to  the  sea  with  a ten-knot  current,  which  striking 
too  full  the  bows  of  the  unwary  steamer,  turn  it  round  with 
irresistible  force. 

What  sly,  treacherous  whirlpools  there  are  between  the 
Yelala  Falls  and  Boma ! These  whirlpools  are  constantly 
changing,  here  one  minute,  and,  closing  as  suddenly  as  they 
open,  they  start,  for  no  apparent  reason,  at  another  place.  The 
water  just  in  front  of  your  boat  looks  oily  and  peaceful,  when 
swiftly  and  without  warning,  a whirlpools  opens  under  the  very 
bows  of  your  boat,  and  the  boat  slips  down  the  opening — what 
an  incalculable  way  down  it  seems  to  go ! And  you  who  are 
sitting  in  the  stern,  are  thrown  together  in  a heap.  Fortunately 
the  whirlpool  closes  as  quickly  as  it  opened,  and  your  frail  boat 
rights  itself;  and  although  you  laugh  it  off  yet  your  racing 
pulse  indicates  the  shock  you  have  received. 

There,  in  mid-stream,  just  above  Matadi,  while  crossing  from 
Vivi  in  a twelve-oared  boat,  we  had  a whirlpool  open  immedi- 


300 


A FICKLE  RIVER 


ately  beneath  our  keel  that  turned  us  round  and  round  with 
ever-increasing  momentum,  and  with  every  rotation  the  water 
rose  higher  and  higher,  and  just  as  we  thought  the  next  turn 
or  two  would  surely  engulf  us,  the  whirlpool  filled  and  we  were 
riding  safely  on  the  bubbling  waters.  There  was  no  laughter 
then  ; it  was  hushed  by  the  almost  audible  beating  of  our  hearts, 
as  we  fully  realised  how  near  we  had  been  to  the  unseen  and 
the  eternal. 

How  fickle  was  the  river ! That  you  had  rowed  yesterday 
with  comparative  ease  from  Tunduwa  to  Matadi  was  no 
guarantee  that  to-day  you  will  be  able  to  accomplish  the  same 
journey  in  the  same  time;  for,  meanwhile,  there  has  been  a 
tremendous  downpour  of  tropical  rain — a very  deluge,  and  the 
river  above  Tunduwa  Point  has  risen  eight  or  even  twelve  feet, 
and  the  places  where  yesterday  you  encountered  a feeble  re- 
sistance will  to-day  contend  every  foot  of  the  way,  and  you 
will  be  lucky  if  you  do  not  have  to  put  your  men  ashore  and 
be  towed,  if  possible,  inch  by  inch  round  the  strongest  corners. 
These  are  not  fanciful  imaginings  but  real  experiences. 

That  half-mile  passage,  formed  by  Tunduwa  Point  on  the 
south  bank  and  a jutting  point  above  the  “Cauldron”  on  the 
north  bank,  restrains  any  great  increase  of  water  from  flowing 
too  rapidly  aw'ay ; hence  traders.  State  officials,  and  railway 
folk  must  ever  reckon  with  these  sudden  rises — a full  river  and 
a tropical  downpour,  then  the  waters  will  be  in  their  stores  and 
gurgling  with  playful  glee  among  the  pillars  supporting  their 
bungalows  and  leaping  over  the  railway  lines. 

The  writer  was  living  on  the  hill  overlooking  the  “Cauldron” 
when  Captain  Murray  brought  the  first  ocean  steamer  s.s. 
Lualaba  in  1890  (or  was  it  in  1889  ?)  up  to  Matadi  with  bunt- 
ing flying.  It  was  considered  a great  feat,  the  bringing  of  that 
1800-ton  steamer  past  Boma  to  Matadi.  On  that  day  Matadi 
was  enfite.  There  was  a champagne  dinner,  we  heard,  with 
many  speeches  and  much  congratulation  of  the  captain,  accom- 
panied with  a purse  of  gold,  and,  later,  a pair  of  binoculars, 
which  last  two  items  were  more  welcome  to  the  captain  than 
all  the  verbosity  of  champagne  speech.  Since  that  day  \ve 


FLOATING  ISLANDS 


301 


have  seen  three  and  four  5000-ton  steamers  lying  at  the  Port 
of  Matadi,  thus  linking  the  interior  of  wild,  savage  Africa  with 
the  wealth  and  civilisation  of  Europe. 

From  the  long,  hill-embroidered  channel,  just  above  Boma, 
the  river  widens  out  into  shallows,  and  the  water  runs  in 
smooth  oiliness  to  the  sea  undisturbed  by  boiling,  noisy  whirl- 
pools ; and  from  Stanley  Pool  to  Stanley  Falls,  a distance  of 
eleven  hundred  miles,  the  river  continually  broadens  and 
narrows ; but  in  all  that  long  stretch,  with  the  exception  of  a 
mile  or  two  at  Kwa  mouth,  there  are  no  strong  corners  to 
negotiate  and  no  treacherous  whirlpools  to  disturb  the  peace  of 
mind  of  those  who  travel  in  canoes  and  boats ; but  there  are 
snags  to  entrap  the  unwary. 

The  river,  periodically  rising  and  falling,  and  often  whipped 
into  large  waves  by  the  storm  winds,  undermines  long  stretches 
of  bank,  then  there  is  a huge  landslip.  The  earth  is  quickly 
washed  away,  and  the  top  soil  of  vegetable  deposit,  with  its 
entanglement  of  grass  and  undergrowth  of  brushwood,  is  carried 
down-river,  and  it  is  wise  for  vessels,  large  and  small,  to  give 
such  floating  islands  a wide  berth.  When  they  pass  near  to 
the  villages  the  boys  swim  out  to  them,  and  the  first  to  land 
on  them  will,  with  much  laughter  and  boisterousness,  play 
“ King  of  the  Castle  ” until  stronger  lads  deprive  them  of  their 
kingdom.  Trees  undermined  by  the  water  topple  down  into 
the  river,  and  while  the  smaller  ones  float  away  the  larger  ones 
remain,  and  when  at  high  water  the  strong,  jagged  branches 
are  covered  they  become  a menace  to  the  voyagers — canoes  split 
on  them,  steel  boats  are  badly  dented,  and  more  than  one 
steamer  has  had  holes  knocked  through  them,  or  the  blades  of 
their  paddle-wheels  broken  to  splinters. 

Many  tribes  make  their  homes  along  the  banks  of  the  main 
river  and  its  tributaries.  It  is  said  that  as  many  as  200  dialects 
of  the  Bantu  language  are  spoken  in  the  Congo  watershed. 
That  is  only  conjecture ; for  there  is  much  to  be  done  before 
this,  or  any  other,  number  can  be  stated  with  certainty.  The 
tribes  on  the  main  river  vary  considerably,  from  the  gentle 
Lokeles  of  the  Stanley  Falls  district,  the  timid  and  peaceable 


302  TIMBER  AND  ANIMAL  LIFE 


folk  of  Bopoto,  to  the  fierce,  war-loving  Bangala  cannibals- 
But  all  are  amenable  to  kindness,  ready  to  be  taught  in  school 
or  workshop,  and,  greatly  appreciating  the  comforts  that 
European  barter  goods  bring  to  them,  they  are  willing  to  work 
laboriously  for  them  when  there  is  a reasonable  guarantee  that 
they  will  receive  and  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  toil. 

There  is  enough  timber  growing  on  the  banks  of  the  Upper 
Congo  and  its  many  rivers  to  supply  Europe  for  many  a year 
to  come.  Mahogany  of  rich  dark  grain ; red  camwood  that 
takes  a beautiful  polish ; yellow  wood  called  by  the  natives  in 
one  district  munke  ( = egg)  because  its  rich  yellow  is  like  the 
yolk  of  an  egg ; iron- wood  that  resists  the  stoutest  nail  and 
quickly  takes  the  edge  from  any  tool ; cedars  of  huge  girth, 
from  which  the  natives  have  made  their  large  canoes;  the 
ambash,  or  cork  wood,  which  the  natives  use  for  making  their 
light  stools,  and  the  floats  for  their  fish  nets ; and  many  others, 
too  numerous  to  mention  here,  not  forgetting  the  various  kinds 
of  palms  that  abound  everywhere. 

Nor  are  these  forests  devoid  of  life.  Occasionally  the 
leopards  creep  from  them  in  the  early  hours  of  the  morning 
and  carry  off  any  native  goats  or  dogs  that  are  moving  about 
before  daybreak ; buffaloes,  elephants,  and  antelopes  graze  in 
their  open  glades,  and  shelter  from  the  storms  in  their  dark 
corridors ; monitors,  9 feet  long,  and  pythons,  25  feet  long, 
have  been  killed  not  far  from  the  banks.  The  anthropoid  apes 
wander  in  some  districts,  and  the  phosphorescence  that  some- 
times appears  on  decaying  vegetation  is  pointed  to  with  awe 
by  the  natives  as  the  “ ape’s  fire.”  Wild  bush-pigs  frequently 
tear  through  the  forest,  and  they  are  not  too  timid  to  attack 
their  hunters,  as  many  bad  wounds  prove ; but  their  flesh  needs 
sharp,  strong  teeth  and  much  patience  to  extract  any  nutri- 
ment. Monkeys  of  various  colours  and  sizes  populate  the 
trees,  and  with  quietness  of  movement  and  quick  accuracy  of 
aim  the  traveller  by  canoe  or  boat  can  keep  his  crew  in  monkey- 
meat  for  many  a day,  and,  should  his  own  supplies  run  short, 
stewed  monkey  is  not  to  be  despised. 

In  the  late  afternoon  the  discordant  cries  of  numerous 


RIVER  ABOUNDS  IN  FISH 


303 


parrots  are  heard  as  they  fly  above  the  tree-tops  out  of  gun 
reach ; but  if  you  are  fortunate  you  will  catch  them  eax'lier  in 
the  day,  and  a breakfast  or  dinner  of  parrots’  breasts  is  some- 
thing to  remember.  The  vain,  silly  plantain-eaters,  preening 
their  gaudy  plumage,  and  pridefully  screeching  out  their  own 
names  ^ from  the  low  branches  of  the  overhanging  trees,  fall 
such  easy  prey  to  the  gun  that  one  is  almost  ashamed  to  shoot 
them  ; and  guinea-fowls,  which  give  good  sport,  are  to  be  found 
in  forest  glades  and  native  farms,  and  its  flesh,  white  and 
delicious,  is  the  best  we  have  tasted  in  the  poultry  line.  Fish- 
ing-eagles and  fishing-vultures,  hawks,  kites,  and  falcons, 
demand  the  skill  of  the  sportsman  to  bring  them  down.  In 
the  old  days,  before  there  were  many  steamers  or  many  guns 
on  the  Upper  Congo,  there  were  frequent  opportunities  of 
sport  while  gliding  in  canoe  or  boat  down  the  main  channels 
of  the  river;  but  now  the  constant  repassing  of  many  noisy 
steamers,  and  the  foolish  firing  from  the  steamers’  decks  at 
every  living  thing,  when  there  is  absolutely  no  prospect  of 
picking  up  the  game,  killed  or  wounded,  has  driven  the 
monkeys,  birds,  hippopotami,  &c,,  into  the  quiet,  narrow  side 
channels  and  creeks  which  are'only  navigable  in  canoes  or  small 
boats. 

The  river  abounds  in  a great  variety  of  fish.  Some  are 
extremely  bony,  others  are  coarse  eating,  but  many  are  of  a 
delicate  flavour,  leaving  nothing  to  be  desired  except  a good 
appetite  to  enjoy  them  properly.  Space  would  fail  merely  to 
name  hundreds  of  species  that  have  been  examined  and  tabu- 
lated. There  is  the  electric  fish  {Mahpterurm  electricus),  that 
many  natives  will  not  eat  because  of  its  supposed  magical 
powers ; a small,  handsomely  marked,  self-inflating  fish  {Tetrodon 
mbu),  which  has  the  appearance  of  an  ordinary  fish  in  its 
normal  condition,  but  on  being  irritated  blows  itself  out  and 
is  then  covered  with  spines.  This  is  probably  its  means  of 
protection,  for  in  the  gullet  of  a larger  fish  it  could  swell  out, 
and  its  enemy  must  either  choke  or  expel  it.  Another  fish 

1 'ITie  natives  call  this  bird  Lukulukoko.  Its  notes  are,  Kulu  ! Kulu  ! 
Kulukoko  ! hence  the  people  say,  “ It  is  always  talking  about  itself.” 


304 


NOT  A BEAUTIFUL  RIVER 


{Anabas  Weeksii^)  belongs  to  the  family  of  climbing  perches; 
and  the  pretty  fish  {Polypterus  Weeksii'^)  “belongs  to  that 
group  of  fishes  which  are  the  nearest  living  representatives  to 
the  type  that  in  long-past  ages  was  developing  in  the  direction 
of  an  amphibian  five-toed  creature.”  Then  there  is  the  mud- 
fish {Protopterus  Dolloi)  which  is  partly  fish  and  partly  reptile, 
and  passes  the  dry  season  encased  in  mud,  and  in  a torpid 
condition. 

This  African  river,  only  a few  hundred  miles  shorter  than 
the  great  Nile,  possesses  here  and  there  small  stretches  of 
charming  scenery,  but  taking  it  as  a whole  it  cannot,  even  by 
its  best  friends,  be  called  a beautiful  river ; for  there  are 
hundreds  of  miles  of  monotonous  vistas — a line  of  trees  and 
a line  of  water  ad  nauseam.  But  its  waters  abound  in  fish, 
its  banks  are  clothed  with  huge  forests  of  magnificent  trees, 
and  inhabited  by  teeming  animal  life ; the  tribes  that  people 
the  countries  through  which  it  flows  are  interesting,  approach- 
able, and  readily  receptive  of  European  ideas  ; and  there  is  al- 
ways the  malarial  fever  to  break  the  monotony  of  life  when 
everything  else  fails  to  attract,  or  palls  to  the  taste. 

^ These,  and  several  other  fish,  are  named  after  the  writer  of  the 
article,  and  the  fish  sent  by  him  and  others  are  in  the  Natural  History 
Museum,  Cromwell  Road,  London. 


APPENDIX 

NOTE  I 


ON  ANCIENT  MARKS  FOUND  ON  ROCKS 
ABOVE  MATADI 

The  following  is  by  Ed.  Heawood,  M.A.,  librarian  of  the  Royal 
Geographical  Society,  and  was  written  by  him  as  a footnote  to  a 
paper  read  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Lewis  and  published  in  the 
Geographical  Journal  ior  June  I9O8  : “The  principal  part  of  the 
inscription,  immediately  to  the  right  of  the  royal  arms  and  cross, 
may  be  read  thus : ‘ Aqy  chegaram  os  navios  do  estratiey  (.^)  do 
Rey  Dom  Joam  ho  seg°  de  Portugall : D°  Caao : P°  Ans  P° 
Dacosta.’  (‘Hither  arrived  the  ships  of  the  [fleet i*]  of  King 
Dom  Joam  the  Second  of  Portugal.  Diogo  Cao : Pedro  Anes 
Pedro  da  Costa.')  More  to  the  right  appear  other  names,  mostly 
in  a contracted  form,  among  which  the  following  may  be  made 
out:  Alvaro  Pirez,  Pero  Escolar,  Joao  de  Santiago,  Joao  Alves, 
Diogo  Pinero  (or  Pinheiro),  Gonzales  Alvares,  Antam.  Of  the  above 
companions  of  Cao,  Joao  de  Santiago  and  Joao  Alves  are  stated  by 
Barros  (Dec.  I.,  book  iii.,  chap,  iv.)  to  have  sailed  in  the  subsequent 
voyage  of  Bartholomew  Dias,  while  a Gonzales  Alvares  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  same  authority  (Dec.  I.,  book  iv.,  chap,  iii.),  master  of 
the  S.  Gabriel  in  Vasco  da  Gama’s  first  voyage,  in  which  Pero  Escolar 
also  took  part  as  pilot  on  board  the  Berrio  {ibid.,  chap.  ii.).  Mr. 
Ravenstein  points  out  that  a Pedro  Anes  was  pilot  in  1503  (Sousa 
Viterbo:  Frabalhos  nauticos  dos  Portugueses,  vol.  i.,  p.  39)>  while  a 
Pero  Annes  was  in  Malacca  in  1510.  Also  that  a friar,  by 
name  Antonio,  was  left  behind  in  San  Salvador  in  1491.” 


NOTE  II 

NAMES  OF  THE  KINGS  OF  KONGO 

About  two  years  before  he  died  Dom  Pedro  V gave  to  my 
colleague.  Dr.  Bentley,  a list  of  six  kings  who  preceded  him  on 
the  throne.  It  is  not  possible  to  state  with  any  certainty  the 
commencement  of  the  reign  of  the  first  king ; but  allowing  an 
average  reign  of  twenty  years  to  each,  it  takes  the  first  king  back 
to  1738 — this,  however,  is  no  more  than  a guess. 


306 


APPENDIX 


1.  Nezuji.  2.  Ndondiki  ( = Henrique).  3.  Kafivasa.  4.  Ndonga- 
lazia  ( = Dom  Garcia)  Nenkanga  Mvemba.  5.  Ndondele.  6.  A^o- 
ndidiki.  6.  N^dom  Pedro  V,  Elelo,  who  is  the  one  mentioned  in 
these  pages.  He  began  to  reign  in  1858,  and  died  on  February 
15,  1891>  having  reigned  thirty-two  years.  Dom  Pedro  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  only  direct  nephew,  Dom  Alvaro  Agwa  Rosada. 
The  nearest  after  him  in  the  old  King’s  line  was  a boy,  Lelo,  but 
he  was  in  the  Protestant  school,  so  the  Residente  sent  him  to  the 
coast  to  be  educated.  He  has  never  been  brought  back,  “and  (in 
1913)  is  now  postmaster  somewhere  in  Angola.”  Dom  Alvaro 
was  followed  by  Dom  Henerique  Nteye  Kenge,  who  was  only  a 
Regent  (supposed  to  be  Guarde  Cadeira  for  young  Lelo) ; but 
when  Kenge  died  Mbemba  became  Dom  Pedro  VI,  who  was  a 
member  of  the  same  clan  as  Pedro  V,  but  the  relationship  is  hard 
to  trace.  The  Portuguese  Residente  passed  over  one  of  known 
relationship  and  chose  this  Mbemba,  one  of  doubtful  origin,  as  he 
served  his  purpose  better.  He  died  a few  years  ago,  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  present  King,  Dom  Manuel  Martino  Kiditu,  who 
is  known  to  the  present  Portuguese  republican  authorities  as  Chefe 
Indigena,  but  to  the  people  as  Ntotela  = king.  Since  1888  a 
Portuguese  Residente  has  lived  in  San  Salvador,  and  he  has 
modified  the  method  of  making  a king  since  the  death  of  Pedro  V 
in  1891. 


NOTE  III 

LIST  OF  KINSHIP  TERMS 


Father  .... 

. Ese,  tata 
. ^ Ngwa,  nengwa 

when  addres 

Mother  .... 

Brother,  elder  . 

. Mpangi. 

Brother,  younger 

. Mbunji. 

Sister  .... 

. Nsanga. 

Sister,  elder 

. Mpangi. 

Sister,  younger 

. Mbunji. 

Husband 

. Nkaza. 

Wife  .... 

. Nkaza. 

Son 

. Mwan ' eyakala. 

Daughter  .... 

. Mwana  ankento. 

Father's  father . 

. Nkaka  kise 

Father’s  mother 

. Ngudi  kise. 

Mother’s  father 

. Nkaka. 

■ngudi,  yaga. 


* Tata  is  also  a term  of  respect  used  by  slaves  to  masters,  by  wives  to 
husbands,  as  well  as  by  sons  to  their  fathers.  ^Ngwa  and  -ngudi  are 
generally  descriptive  of  maternal  relatives.  ^Kise  (from  ese  = father)  is 
for  paternal  relationship. 


APPENDIX 


307 


Mother’s  mother 
Father’s  brother 
Father’s  sister  . 

Mother’s  brother 
Mother’s  sister 
Father’s  brother’s  wife 
Father’s  sister’s  husband  . 
Mother’s  brother’s  wife 
Mother’s  sister’s  husband 
Father’s  brother’s  son 
Father’s  brother’s  daughter 
Father’s  sister’s  son  . 
Father’s  sister’s  daughter . 
Mother’s  brother’s  son 
Mother’s  brother's  daughter 
Mother’s  sister’s  son 
Mother’s  sister’s  daughter 
Son’s  son  .... 
Son’s  daughter . 

Daughter’s  son . 

Daughter’s  daughter 
Wife’s  father  . 

^Vife’s  mother  . 

Wife’s  brother  . 

Wife’s  sister 
Wife’s  sister’s  husband 
Husband’s  father 
Husband’s  mother  . 
Husband’s  brother  . 
Husband’s  sister 
Husband’s  brother’s  wife  . 


. Nkaka. 

. Tata. 

. Tata. 

. Ngudi-  or  ngwa-nkaji. 

. Ngwa,  eyaya,  or  Tigudi, 

. Ngudi. 

. Mpangi,  or  tata. 

. Nzadi. 

. Ese,  tata. 

. Mpangi  a kise. 

. Mpangi  a kise. 

. Mwana  a kise. 

. Mwana  a kise. 

. Mwana. 

. Mwana. 

. Ngudi  mpangi. 

. Ngudi  mpangi. 

. Ntekelo. 

. Ntekelo. 

. Ntekelo. 

. Ntekelo. 

. Ko,  and  ko-njitu. 

. Ko-njitu. 

. Nkweji. 

. Nzadi. 

. Mpangi. 

. Ko,  njitu,  and  tata,  ese. 
. Ngudi. 

. Nzadi. 

. Nzadi  or  nkweji. 

. Mpangi. 


This  list  of  kinship  terms  was  given  to  me  by  a man  of  good 
intelligence,  but  it  would  not  be  accepted  by  all  the  natives,  for 
both  on  the  Upper  and  Lower  Congo  I have  found  the  same 
difficulty  in  procuring  a list  of  terms  that  would  satisfy  all,  or  even 
be  accepted  by  the  same  person  six  months  afterwards ; and  this 
arises  not  from  a desire  to  deceive,  but  is  rather  illustrative  of  the 
vagueness  of  the  terms  used  to  describe  the  relationship. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  all  relationship  is  on  the  mother’s 
side,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  father,  no  paternal  relationship 
has  any  force.  The  maternal  relatives  in  a general  sort  of  way, 
both  male  and  female,  are  called  mothers  (ngudi)  or  elders  (mhuta 
from  huta  = to  beget) ; and  the  other  wives  of  one’s  father  are 
ngudi  zansakila  ( = minor  or  junior  mothers).  The  children  of  your 
maternal  uncle  are  spoken  of  as  yours,  and  you  are  spoken  of  as 
their  father ; buti  the  children  of  your  maternal  aunts,  no  matter 
how  old  you  are,  or  young  they  may  be,  regard  you  as  their  child. 
The  word  for  family  is  yitu,  and  for  a relative  is  yutu.  In  the 
neighbourhood  of  San  Salvador  wi6m«;7  = younger  brother,  and 
ffijjaagi  = elder  brother;  but  in  the  Ngombe  Lutete  district  mpangi 


308 


APPENDIX 


is  used  for  both  younger  and  elder  brother.  Nsanga  is  the  word 
employed  for  sister,  but  there  are  no  distinct  words  for  elder  and 
younger  sisters ; however,  mhunji  and  mpangi  are  used  as  a rule  in 
speaking  of  one’s  sisters,  as  the  sex  would  be  known  to  the  person 
to  whom  you  are  speaking,  or  mhunji  a nkenlo,  or  mpangi  a nkenio 
might  be  used  to  one  ignorant  of  the  members  of  your  family. 
Nkento  means  female. 


NOTE  IV 

TIMES  AND  SEASONS 

Besides  the  four  names  for  their  markets,  viz.  Konzo,  Nkenge, 
Nsona,  and  Nkandu,  which  have  given  their  names  to  the  four  days 
of  the  Congo  week,  there  are  names  for  various  seasons  that  divide 
the  year  into  eight  parts,  viz. 

Sivu,  the  cold  season  at  the  beginning  of  the  dry  season,  com- 
mencing about  May  15. 

Mbangala,  the  dry  season,  little  or  no  dew,  July  to  middle  of 
October. 

Mpiaza,  grass-burning  season,  latter  part  of  July,  August,  and 
September. 

Masanza,  early  light  rains,  latter  part  of  October,  November, 
and  December. 

Nkianza,  short  dry  season,  most  of  January  and  early  part  of 
February. 

Kundi,  nsafu  fruit  season,  end  of  February  to  May. 

Kintombo,  heavy  rains.  March  and  April. 

Nkiela,  time  when  the  rains  cease,  from  beginning  to  middle 
of  May. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  these  overlap  each  other  somewhat,  but 
they  are  near  enough  for  a primitive  folk  who  are  not  particular 
to  a day  or  a week  in  their  reckoning. 

Nlungi  Konzo  means  this  day  (Congo)  week,  i.e.  next  Kongo 
market  day ; and  Konzo  mole  = two  complete  sets  of  markets,  i.e. 
eight  days.  This  time  or  season  next  year  is  nlungi  Sivu,  or  using 
the  name  of  the  season  at  the  time  of  speaking.  When  speaking 
of  years  the  word  Sivu  is  sometimes  used,  but  more  often  mvu  = 
season,  and  to  make  it  more  sure  mvu  amputu  = white  man’s  year. 
The  European  week  is  gradually  displacing  the  Congo  week,  and 
names  for  the  seven  days  are  : Sunday,  humingu  (Portug.  Domingo)', 
this  is  often  used  for  week,  and  tumingu  tuole  •=  two  weeks ; 
Monday,  Kiezole  or  Kiasekunda  (Portug.  segunda  = second ; 

Tuesday,  = third  ; Wednesday,  = fourth;  Thursday, 

Kietanu  = fifth ; Friday,  Kiesamhanu  = sixth ; Saturday,  Satade 


APPENDIX 


309 


(Eng.),  but  more  often  Kiansabalu  (Portug.  Sabado).  The  word 
lumbu  ( = day)  is  understood  before  each  term.  A large  number  of 
natives  are  using  European  calendars  and  learning  the  names  of 
the  months,  and  use  them  in  their  transactions  with  the  white 
men  in  writing  letters,  agreements,  &c. 


NOTE  V 

THE  CHIGOE  OR  JIGGER 

In  the  early  sixties  of  last  century  a sailing  vessel  from  a South 
American  port  put  into  St.  Paul  de  Loando  on  the  south-west 
coast  of  Africa.  The  vessel  was  in  ballast,  but  on  receiving  the 
offer  of  profitable  freight,  the  captain  was  about  to  throw  the 
ballast  into  the  sea,  when  he  received  peremptory  orders  from  the 
port  authorities,  not  to  throw  the  ballast  overboard,  but  to  dis- 
charge it  on  a sandspit  in  the  harbour.  That  unfortunate  order 
has  caused  unparalleled  inconvenience  to  many  thousands  of  people, 
and  death  to  some  few;  and  will  continue  to  inflict  suffering  on 
many  generations  yet  unborn,  who,  in  days  to  come,  will  tread 
the  roads,  the  market-places,  and  dusty  squares  of  Equatorial 
Africa. 

That  sailing  vessel  had  picked  up  its  ballast  from  the  Brazilian 
coast,  and  consequently  it  was  impregnated  with  chigoes  {Pulex 
penetrans),  an  insect  that  looks  and  hops  like  a flea,  the  female  of 
which  burrows  into  any  handy  flesh  in  which  to  lay  its  eggs. 
From  St.  Paul  de  Loando  the  pests  have  gradually  spread  by  the 
trade  routes  to  San  Salvador  in  Portuguese  Congo,  and  from  thence 
over  the  whole  of  the  Lower  Congo.  Over  the  trade  routes  they 
travelled  in  the  feet  of  the  natives,  and  in  the  loads  they  carried 
on  their  heads  and  shoulders.  In  later  years  they  found  their 
way  by  canoe,  boat,  and  steamer  to  the  towns  lining  the  banks 
of  the  Upper  Congo,  and  in  more  recent  years  to  South-east 
Africa,  from  whence  they  have  been  carried  to  India  by  native 
troops  returning  home  after  service  in  British  East  and  South 
Africa.  When  they  first  arrived  in  San  Salvador  they  were  called 
rubber  {ntandandangwa)  because  the  rubber  traders  brought  them 
from  the  coast,  and  the  insects  bounded  about  like  rubber. 

The  female  chigoe  is  not  over  particular  in  her  choice  of  a 
“ nest  ” for  her  eggs,  so  long  as  it  is  fleshy.  Hence  the  paws  of 
dogs  are  full  of  chigoe  sacs,  and  that  animal  spends  its  spare 
moments  in  biting  its  paws,  not  only  to  allay  the  itching,  but 
in  the  hope  of  pulling  out  the  irritating  things ; and  there  is  no 
greater  kindness  a person  can  show  a dog  than  that  of  extracting 


310 


APPENDIX 


these  pests  from  its  feet.  The  combs  and  wattles  of  fowls  are 
generally  full  of  chigoes,  and  also  the  feet  and  snouts  of  pigs. 
They  also  find  their  way  into  the  fingers,  elbows,  and  buttocks  of 
ci-awling  children,  as  well  as  into  the  feet  of  adults. 

The  female  chigoe  burrows  under  the  skin,  and  she  rapidly 
swells  as  her  abdomen  is  full  of  eggs,  and  as  the  eggs  mature  the 
sac  formed  round  them  increases  in  size  to  that  of  a large  pea, 
when  it  bursts,  throwing  out  the  eggs  into  the  fine  dust  of  the 
village  paths  and  market-places.  There  in  the  hot  sun  they  hatch 
quickly,  and  soon  the  dry  dust  is  full  of  bounding  chigoes,  that 
cling  to  the  legs  of  the  passer-by,  be  he  white  or  black,  and  find- 
ing their  way  to  the  feet,  they  explore  first  round  the  toe-nails 
for  a suitable  place  to  enter,  and  failing  that  they  extend  their 
search  to  other  parts  of  the  feet.  If  the  one  upon  whom  they 
alight,  in  their  blind  jumps  about  the  open  space,  happens  to 
be  a white  man,  then  they  use  their  best  endeavour  to  find  an 
entrance  between  the  laces  of  the  boots,  or  by  some  other  way, 
to  the  toes  of  the  unfortunate  person,  where  they  set  up  a most 
persistent  itching. 

When  the  itching  begins,  it  is  wise  to  call  the  best  chigoe 
boy  ” on  the  station,  and  giving  him  a clean  needle,  let  him  hunt 
among  the  toes  until  he  locates  the  creature  and  carefully  pulls  it 
out.  Then  dip  the  eye  of  the  needle  in  pure  carbolic  and  insert 
it  into  the  chigoe  hole,  thus  thoroughly  cauterising  it.  Should 
the  sac  have  formed  to  any  size,  the  boy  will  loosen  the  scarf-skin 
around  it  until  he  is  able  to  extract  the  sac  whole  and  unbroken ; 
and  then  the  place  must  be  cleansed  with  carbolic,  or  bad  ulcers 
may  come,  or  blood-poisoning,  which  has  caused  more  than  one 
death.  Whatever  the  phrase,  “ You  be  jiggered  ” may  mean  in 
England,  in  Africa  it  is  about  the  worst  thing  you  can  wish 
anyone. 

In  those  parts  of  Congo — from  one  to  two  degrees  north  and 
south  of  the  Equator — where  there  is  more  or  less  rain  all  the  year 
round,  the  chigoes  are  not  so  plentiful ; but  farther  south  of  the 
Equator,  where  there  is  a dry  season  of  fully  five  months,  the 
chigoes  have  every  opportunity  of  breeding  in  quantities  in  the 
fine  dust,  and  cause  annoyance  to  everybody.  Chigoes  not  only 
enter  the  flesh,  but  where,  through  laziness  or  carelessness,  they 
are  allowed  to  burrow  in  all  the  toes,  they  give  off"  a most  offensive 
odour,  which,  on  very  hot  days,  becomes  almost  unbearable.  A 
decoction  of  tobacco  water,  about  a pint  to  a pail  of  water,  sprinkled 
every  morning  during  the  dry  season  over  the  living-house  floor, 
the  school-house,  or  the  store  before  sweeping,  will  drive  out  any 
chigoes  lurking  in  the  dust,  and  will  thus  render  those  places 
more  tolerable.  If  the  floors  are  of  boards  then  the  tobacco  water 
can  be  put  in  the  water  with  which  the  floors  are  washed,  with 
beneficial  results. 


APPENDIX 


811 


NOTE  VI 


NATIVE  DISEASES 


In  the  chapter  dealing  with  Black  and  White  Magic  many  of  the 
diseases  from  which  the  people  suffer  are  there  mentioned  in 
describing  what  the  witch-doctors  are  supposed  to  cure.  Like 
other  members  of  the  human  family,  the  natives  suffer  from  aches 
in  various  parts  of  the  body,  ulcers,  pimples,  rashes,  soreness  of 
gums,  toothache,  colds,  coughs,  catarrh,  sprains,  sympathetic 
buboes,  various  kinds  of  sores,  &c.,  the  children  from  diarrhoea, 
convulsions,  fits  and  fevers  from  teething,  &c.  But  the  more 
serious  complaints  that  trouble  them  are  as  follows  : 


Inflammation  of  the  spleeu 
Goitre 
Craw-craw 
Ophthalmia 
Intestinal  worms  (species  of 
ascaris) 

Bladder  worm  . 

Scrotal  hernia  . 

Hematuric  fever 
Fever,  ague 
Boil,  a gathering 
Large  abscess  . 

Squamous  afiFections 
Stye  in  the  eye 
Scald-head 
Dysentery 
Constipation 
Yaws,  in  children 


Bekele. 

Dingadinga. 

Kinkwada. 

Ebumbulu. 

Edxongololo,  meta,  nioka  a moyo. 
Kinsukulu. 

Edungu,  mpiki,  nkukulu. 

Kaji. 

Mvuka. 

Evumbu. 

Etuza. 

Kwiji. 

Luntujia. 

Mbanda. 

Makulu. 

MJinga. 

Mata,  nkuba,  nkubi. 


Venereal  nodes  and  sores,  mbadi ; and  this  same  word  is  used  by 
the  natives  to  describe  elephantiasis  and  polypus,  and  seems 
to  indicate  any  excrescent  growth. 


Niangi. 

Evola. 

Nkankatu. 

Nswengenia. 

Ekomongo. 

Luvati  — T\\)  where  the  pain  is 
felt. 

Ntonji. 

Waji  wambunduna,  mild  form, 
not  contagious. 

Smallpox,  xika:  been  several  epidemics  during  last  thirty-five 
years.  I caught  it  in  1889  somewhat  severely,  while  attend- 
ing the  natives. 


Epilepsy 
Paralysis  ..... 
Scarlet  fever  .... 
Asthma  with  much  wheezing  . 
Dyspnoea,  painful  breathing 
Chest  complaints,  pleurisy,  &c. 

Beri-beri 

Leprosy  


312  APPENDIX 


Sore  throat  .... 
Rodent  ulcer  that  destroys  the 
nose  (lupus  exedens) . 
Blisters  between  toes 

Vertigo 

Protruding  navel,  umbilical 
hernia,  very  common 
Sleeping-sickness 
Scrofula  . . . . . 

Dropsy 

Madness 

Whitlow 

Sores  on  soles  of  feet 

Albino 

Blindness . . . 

Deafness 

Dumb  person  .... 
Baldness  . . . . . 

Stammerer  . . . . 


Kwayala. 

Matamba. 

Niania. 

Zunga. 

Ekumba. 

Manimba. 

Ebunze. 

Sulu. 

Lau. 

Balu. 

Nzeko. 

Ndundu,  very  uncommon. 
Umpofo,  very  uncommon. 

Fvia  matu  = Aea.A  ears.  Total 
deafness  is  very  rare. 

Ebaba. 

Vandu. 

Nlokoso,  nkokomi. 


NOTE  VII 

A LIST  OF  NATIVE  REMEDIES 

The  following  are  the  names  of  native  remedies  known  to  and 
used  by  many  before  they  apply  to  witch-doctors  to  perform  their 
ceremonies.  This  list  I procured  from  an  intelligent  native, 
about  forty-five  years  old,  who  often  used  them  on  his  family  and 
neighbours  without  requiring  any  fee,  and  he  had  quite  a reputa- 
tion for  “ home  remedies.” 

1.  Nsele-nsele,  a root,  good  as  a purge.  Clean  the  root,  take 
the  skin,  and  crush  it  into  a powder  and  dry ; take  enough  to 
cover  a sixpence.  It  is  very  bitter  and  strong.  Chewing  the 
leaves  is  good  for  diarrhoea ; also  masticated  leaves  put  on  a cut 
stops  the  blood.  An  infusion  of  the  astringent  is  good  as  a 
medicinal  bath.  This  is  also  used  as  an  abortive  when  taken  as 
a purgative. 

2.  Nkenge  a kiasa,  a poisonous  shrub.  Take  the  bark  of  the 
root  and  rub  into  a paste,  and  apply  to  painful  place.  As  a 
poultice  it  is  used  for  drawing  out  blood,  &c.,  much  the  same  as 
a blister. 

3.  Nsunzu,  a big  tree.  Take  skin  of  root  and  boil.  The 
mouth  is  washed  several  times  a day  with  the  liquor  for  sores  in 
the  mouth. 

4.  Mwindu,  small  tree.  Take  bark  of  tree  (very  red  when 
cut),  bruise  it,  and  soak  all  night  and  drink  the  water  in  the 
morning.  Good  for  dysentery. 


APPENDIX  313 

5.  Mbota  (lonchocarptis).  Take  leaves  and  boil  them.  Drink 
half  a glass  of  the  liquid  for  killing  intestinal  worms. 

6.  Ntundulu  (guinea  grain).  Take  roots,  pound  and  soak  all 
night  in  water.  For  dysentery,  for  any  aversion  to  food,  and  also 
a wash  for  inflamed  eyes. 

7.  Sakrva.  Very  big  tree.  Take  bark,  crush  it,  soak  all  night, 
and  drink  a glass  each  morning  for  dysentery. 

8.  Mbangu-mbangu.  Take  bark  of  tree,  pound,  soak,  and  drink 
every  morning  a glass  for  diarrhoea;  and  for  pains  in  the  back 
(nsaicu)  through  weakness.  Rub  into  a paste  with  oil  to  make  an 
ointment,  and  rub  on  body  for  weakness  or  general  debility.  It 
has  a smell  like  turpentine. 

9.  Ntontosi  (Briophyllum  calycinuni),  or  ''tree  of  life.”  Press 
the  juice  of  some  leaves  into  a twisted-leaf  funnel  and  a little 
water,  for  washing  out  bad  ears. 

10.  Nguba-ampuiu.  Tree  bearing  a nut.  Take  piece  of  nut, 
pound,  and  mix  with  salt  and  pepper  or  an  egg.  It  gripes  and 
purges. 

11.  Mamau  (limes).  Leaves  for  intestinal  worms.  For  an 
adult  take  ten  leaves,  pound,  and  mix  with  water ; drink  the  clear 
liquor,  which  is  very  effective.  The  juice  of  the  fruit  mixed  with 
powdered  iron-stone  and  soot,  well  boiled  and  stirred  and  applied 
to  yaws,  said  to  be  very  good.  This  second  preparation  is  called 
Kongo  a nkela. 

12.  Luasu,  shrub  with  thick  leaves  and  yellow  flower  like  a 
daisy.  Leaves  are  good  for  yaws  in  babies.  Leaves  pounded  or 
burnt  and  mixed  with  water  as  a wash  for  sore  gums,  but  No.  3 
is  better. 

13.  Dimbuzu.  Creeper.  Crush  the  leaves,  boil  in  water,  and 
drink  half  a glass  every  morning,  or  take  as  a clyster  for  diarrhoea, 
or  pains  in  the  stomach. 

1 4.  Mavolo  ( = charcoal),  used  for  indigestion  and  bad  breath. 
A very  old  remedy. 

15.  Dinioka-nioka  ( = little  snake).  Take  a small  quantity  of 
the  juice  of  the  leaves  for  intestinal  worms. 

16.  Mwanji  a lolo  (called  kienga  in  Ngome  Lutete).  Take  root, 
bruise,  and  boil.  Drink  some  of  the  bitter  juice.  Good  for 
stomach-ache,  also  a good  diuretic,  and  is  used  by  the  natives  for 
inflammation  of  the  bladder  {kaji).  Sometimes  they  boil  three 
roots  together,  nsunzu,  nlulu,  and  lolo. 

17.  Diza  {Euphorbia).  Used  as  a purgative,  but  very  dangerous. 

18.  Ndondo-londo.  Strong  creeper.  The  skin  of  the  root  is 
chewed  for  diarrhoea,  and  for  sore  throat. 

19.  Kintamba,  shrub  with  tuberous  roots.  Extract  juice  from 
roots  by  pounding  and  mix  oil  with  it,  and  rub  on  painful  place. 
For  a person  lacking  an  appetite,  pound  and  boil  the  root  and 
drink  the  liquor. 


314 


APPENDIX 


20.  Ngadiadia,  big  tree  bearing  a large  pod  containing  a nut. 
Masticate  a piece  of  the  nut  for  stomach-ache. 

21.  Nanazi,  unripe  pineapple,  good  for  an  outbreak  of  rash  on 
the  skin  called  kintuntu  (perhaps  measles).  Sometimes  imripe 
pineapples  and  manioc  leaves  are  crushed  together  and  rubbed 
on  the  body  for  this  rash. 

22.  Lulongololo,  very  thin  marsh  withy.  The  roots  are  boiled 
and  liquor  used  as  a purgative. 

23.  Ndiadia,  thick  grass  with  nodes.  The  pith  from  the  heart 
of  new  grass  is  put  on  a fresh  cut.  It  is  painful,  but  the  cut  heals 
quickly.  This  pith  is  also  used  as  food. 

24.  Ewele-wele,  marsh  grass  with  sharp  edges.  Pound  the  stem 
and  boil.  Drunk  as  an  aperient,  or  used  as  an  enema  for  clearing 
out  the  bowels. 

25.  Sama  — brown  ants’  nest.  Eaten  by  pregnant  women,  also 
by  children  for  intestinal  worms ; and  is  used  also  by  men  for  very 
bad  diarrhoea. 

26.  Luvemba  = chalk,  mixed  with  salt  and  worn  in  a horn  round 
a mother’s  neck,  and,  if  her  infant  vomits,  she  frequently  licks 
the  chalk  in  the  horn.  Chalk  and  worm-casts  are  mixed  and  used 
by  medicine-men  for  dropsy  {kibwaka). 

27.  Lengo-lengo,  a small  tree.  A decoction  of  the  bark  is  good 
for  scald-head. 

28.  Elonga  = ha.th..  To  give  a patient  a medicinal  bath,  a 
hole  is  dug  in  the  floor  of  the  house  and  the  sides  are  plastered 
with  mud,  and  lined  with  plantain  leaves.  The  hot  water  is 
poured  into  this  hole,  with  medicinal  leaves,  &c.,  and  the  patient 
sits  in  it,  or  over  it,  with  a large  cloth  or  blanket  over  him  and 
the  hole  “ to  keep  the  medicine  in.” 

Cupping  (sumika)  is  practised  very  freely ; and  they  know  the 
use  of  the  clyster  {tuba). 


INDEX 


Abortion,  methods  of,  108 
Accidental  homicide,  63 
“ Advocate,”  hunters’,  182 

— keeps  the  drum  and  cross,  183 
AflSnity,  degrees  of,  141 

Albino  head  of  secret  society,  159 
Albino’s  hair  as  a charm,  238 
Antelope,  dividing  an,  185 ; eating 
the  heart  of  an,  184  ; killing  an,  184 

Baby,  customs  relating  to  the,  111 

— given  with  slave  mother,  149 

— talking  about  the,  115 

— washing  and  dressing  the,  116 

— betrothing  a,  112 
Bachelor’s  house  or  club,  171 
Banking  clubs,  70 
Bastian,  57 

Beer,  native,  90 
Belief,  order  of,  287 
Beliefs,  religious,  276 
Bentley,  Dr.,  74 
Berlin  Geographical  Society,  57 
Blacksmith,  position  of,  93 
Blessings,  various,  154 
Blood  brotherhood,  194 
Boma,  19,  23 

Boy  and  his  father,  120;  taught  by 
his  father,  119;  uncle  claims  him, 
119 

Breach  of  promise,  bow  treated,  143 
Bribe,  taking  a,  66 
Bridal  feast,  145 

Bride,  catechising  the,  144  ; pretence 
of  capturing  the,  145 
Bridegroom  catechises  the  bride  be- 
fore marriage,  144 

— takes  marriage  oath,  145 
Brass  rods,  shortening  of,  202 
Brokers,  native,  210 


Bull-roarer,  126 

Buried  at  cross  roads,  those,  273 

— at  sunset,  reason  for  being,  270 
Bush  burning,  effect  on  animal  life, 

178 

— customs  relating  to,  179 

Cabbiebs,  discussions  among,  30 

— paying,  289 

Ceremonies,  court  influence  on,  176 
Chalk  and  its  use,  277 
Charms,  various,  232 ; to  assist  thieves 
65 ; for  barren  women,  107 ; of 
Albino’s  hair,  238 ; love  philtre, 
107 ; for  hunters,  181,  183;  for  rat 
catching,  188;  for  war,  191;  for 
trading,  204  ; for  every  requirement, 
235 

— bundle,  contents  of,  232,  234 

— horn, 239 

— sacrifices  to,  235 

Chief,  dignity,  100  ; of  noble  family, 
100 ; owns  the  land,  101 ; as  magis- 
trate, 101 ; revenue  of,  102 ; in- 
herits position,  70;  his  heir,  102; 
pepper  cure  for  bad,  69 
Chieftess,  102 
Chigoe  (or  jigger),  204,  309 
Children,  lovable,  120  ; rebirth  in,  115 
Circumcision,  ceremonies  of,  172 
Clan,  the,  96,  99 
Cloth,  weaving,  92 
Club,  bachelors’,  171 
Clubs,  banking,  70 
Conundrums,  133 
Cooking,  methods  of,  88 
Counting,  aversion  to,  292 

— modes  of,  203 
Country-of-the-dead,  158 
Court  etiquette,  39 


316 


316 


INDEX 


Court  procedure  in  law,  66 
Courtship,  141 
Cross  as  a charm,  183 
Currency,  213 
Curses,  various,  155 


Dances,  various,  127 
Days  of  week,  or  market,  199 

— unlucky,  130 

Dead,  treatment  of  the,  267 
Debts,  collecting,  68 
Degrees  of  affinity,  141 
Devil,  native,  276 
Diagnosing,  difficulty  of,  254 

— native  method  of,  257 
Divination,  various  methods,  264 
Divorce  procurable,  107 

Dogs,  hunting,  186  ; burial  of,  187 
Dreaming  of  snakes,  113 
Dreams,  spirit  travels  in,  282 
Drinks,  palm  wine  and  beer,  90 
Dutch  Trading  House,  18 


Evil-eye,  291 

Evil-spirits,  223,  280 

driving  out,  227 

killing,  223,  242,  280 

shooting  stars  as,  281 

Family,  the,  96;  many  quarrels  in 
the,  95 

Fetishes,  names  and  functions  of 
various,  232-241 

— hiring  of,  242 

— sacrifices  to,  235 

Fevers  and  quinine,  22,  28 

Fight,  reasons  for  a,  196;  watching 
a,  194 

Fire,  origin  of,  293 

First-fruits,  252 

Food,  native,  86 ; women  procure 
vegetable,  89  ; careful  in  division 
of,  90 

Forest  town  of  spirits,  278 

Funeral,  feast,  268  ; reason  for  grand, 
278 


Games,  “Antelope,”  124;  ball,  125; 
cats’  cradles,  126;  with  croton 
fruit,  125  ; gambling,  127  ; hockey, 
121 ; “ Hunt  the  slipper,”  126 ; 
make  - believe  games,  122  ; with 
peanuts,  124 ; “ Spider,”  123 ; 

“ Young  pigeon,”  123 
Geographical  Society  of  Berlin,  57 
Girls  help  their  mothers,  118 

— operation  on,  175 
Grass  heavy  with  dew,  27 
Grave,  fee  for  digging,  270 

— size  of  chief’s,  271 
Greed,  reasons  for  native,  295 
Greetings  by  women,  104,  151 
Guild  for  men,  secret,  168 
Gun  accidents,  186 

Haik  of  famous  hunter,  181 

— of  albino,  238 
Hippopotami  in  river,  21 
Hiring  a fetish,  242 

Homage  to  the  King,  paying,  39,  152 
Homicide,  punishment  for,  62;  ac- 
cidental, 63 
Horn  charms,  239 

Hospitality  to  natives,  67 ; to  white 
men,  26 

Houses,  size  of,  94 
Hunters’  “ advocate,”  182 ; charm, 
181,  183;  dance,  182;  prayer  to 
great,  182 

Hunting  customs,  181 ; rat,  187 

Idioms,  curious  native,  77 
Incest,  known  but  rare,  108 
Inheritance,  laws  of,  70,  102 
Insanity,  treatment  for,  227 
Installation  of  noble,  44  ; cost  of,  46 
Insults,  various,  157 
Interpreters,  native,  74;  tell  of  a 
snake,  75  ; linguisteres,  210 
Ivory,  superstitions  about,  207 

Jigger  (or  chigoe),  204,  309 
Journey  to  San  Salvador,  24 
Judge  taking  a bribe,  66 


INDEX 


317 


King,  sends  a pig,  28 ; visit  to  the, 
32 ; present  to,  33 ; name  of,  33 ; 
his  house,  34,  50;  history  of  the, 
35 ; the  death  of  a,  36,  37 ; ruse 
to  gain  the  throne,  37 ; court  of 
the,  39  ; rendering  homage  to  the, 
39,  152 ; his  wives,  40  ; counsellors, 
40;  ofiBcers  of  the,  42,  shirts  for 
the,  51 ; comes  to  dinner,  51 ; goes 
hungry  all  day,  52;  wives  go  on 
strike,  55 ; tries  to  beat  a wife, 
56 ; deceived  by  the  white  men, 
58 ; dies,  59 
— a dethroned,  37 
Kingdom  of  Kongo,  60,  75 

“carpet”  government  of,  61 

Kings,  list  of  the,  305 


Language,  Kisi-Kongo,  75  ; allitera- 
tive, 76 ; many  concords,  76 ; its 
verbs,  77  ; curious  idioms,  77 ; its 
proverbs,  79 

Languages,  secret,  162,  169 
Laws,  promulgation  of,  47,  62 
Leopard,  respect  for,  189  ; skin  of, 
189 

Linguisteres  (interpreters),  210 
Livingstone,  attempt  to  caU  the 
river,  297 

“ Livingstone  ” steam  launch,  18  ; 
breaks  down,  19;  loses  its  pro- 
peller, 20 
Love  philtre,  146 


Madmen,  64 ; treatment  of,  226 

Magic,  black  and  white,  214  ; theory 
of,  218 

Markets,  names  of,  199,  201 ; articles 
at,  201 

Marriage  and  courtship,  141 ; money, 
142 ; vows,  145 ; polygamous,  not 
happy,  149 

Matabixu,  meaning  of,  210 

Mat  making,  92 

Motherhood,  customs  relating  to.  111 

Mother-in-law,  143,  249 


Mother-right,  the  cause  of  quarrels 
95 ; fosters  certain  customs,  107 ; 
babies  abandoned  a by-product  of, 
117 

Murder,  punishment  for,  62 
Musuku,  19,  20 

Names,  ordinary,  48 ; scmtu,  48 ; with 
Dom  and  Dorma,  48  ; of  towns,  97 ; 
of  children,  114,  115,  130 
Native  on  cleanliness  of  white  man, 
29 

“ Napoleon  Bonaparte,”  25 
Noble,  installation  of,  44 

Omens,  252 

Ordeal  bark,  procuring  the,  262 ; 
giving  the,  262 

Palavers,  70,  71,  72 
Palm-trees,  ownership  in,  97 
Palm-wine,  as  a drink,  90;  super- 
stition about,  208 
Pawn,  redeeming  a,  98 
Peace,  suing  for,  193 
Pepper  cure  for  bad  chief,  69  ; for 
stealing,  69 

Pig,  present  of  a,  28,  32 
Polygamy,  147, 149,  150 
Prayer  to  great  hunter,  182 
Proverbs,  native,  79 

Quarrels,  judging,  67 ; mother- 
right  cause  of  family,  95 
Queen  Victoria,  36,  51,  54,  55 

Railway,  Congo,  31 
Rain-doctors,  229 
Rebirth  in  children,  115 
Religious  beliefs,  276 
River  Congo,  first  journey  up  the, 
17  ; description  of  the,  296 
Roads,  narrow  and  rough,  25,  28 
Roman  Catholics,  32,  48,  58,  240 
Rubber,  superstitions  about,  208 

Sacrifices  to  charms  and  fetishes, 
235 

Salutations,  various,  151  _ 

1 San  Salvador,  24,  32,  48,  57,  60,  94 


318 


INDEX 


San  Salvador,  our  arrival  at,  27 ; Portu- 
guese at,  32,  48 ; native  society  at, 49 
Santu  name,  48 
Scarecrows,  242 

Secret  societies,  country-of-the-dead, 
107,  158;  nkimba,  168;  languages 
of,  162, 169 

Slave,  can  redeem  himself,  67  ; master 
no  claim  on  slave’s  wife,  67  ; status 
of  children,  68,  97 ; runs  to  a chief, 
72 ; proportion  of,  99  ; in  relation 
to  the  clan,  148 ; trading  in,  209 
Sleeping  sickness,  treatment  of,  228 
Sneezing,  277 

Social  life,  94  ; society  at  San  Salva- 
dor, 49  . 

Spirits,  not  recalled,  277  ; go  to  forest 
town,  278 ; go  to  sun  or  moon, 
279 

— evil,  223,  280  ; shooting  stars  as, 
281  ; driving  out  evil,  227  ; killing 
evil,  223,  243,  280 

Sprites,  water-,  113 ; sprite  child,  113  ; 
treatment  of  sprite  children,  114; 
weave  cloth,  294 ; keep  the  water 
good,  294  ; sea-sprites,  294 
Stars,  names  of,  293  ; shooting  stars 
as  spirits,  281 

Stealing,  64  ; penalties  of,  65 ; fetish 
against,  65  ; fetishes  for,  65 ; pep- 
per cure  for,  69 
Stories,  jungle,  134 
Suicide,  64 

Supreme  Being,  name  for,  276 

Taboos,  the  baby’s,  113 ; put  on  by 
“ doctor,”  218 ; permanent,  245  ; 
personal,  246  ; “ Thou  shalt  nots,’’ 
250 ; origin  of,  251 ; various  kinds, 
245 

Tally  sticks,  203 
Throne,  fight  for  the,  36 


Totemism,  99 

Towns,  names  of,  97 ; clean,  94 ; 

made  up  of  families,  99 
Trader,  native,  199 ; conduct  of,  en. 

route,  206  ; paying  toll.  206 
Trading,  charm,  204;  methods  of, 
211 ; goods,  210 
Twins,  treatment  of,  116 

Uncle’s  position  in  relation  to  mar- 
riage of  his  niece,  141 

Wak,  customs  relating  to,  190 ; guns 
versus  spears,  190;  declaration  of, 
191 ; charm,  191 ; fetish,  192 ; fight- 
ing for  the  corpse,  193  ; reasons  for 
a,  196  ; suing  for  peace,  193 
Water-sprites,  113  ; children  of,  1131 
weave  cloth,  204 ; sea-sprites,  294 
White  man,  native  on  cleanliness  of, 
29 

White  men,  superstitions  about,  208 
Widow,  purifying,  272 
Widower,  purifying  the,  272 
Wife,  runaway,  71,  72 
Witch-doctors,  initiation  of,  215 ; 
power  of,  217 ; responsible  for 
status  quo,  231  ; various  orders, 
107,  111,  113,  117,  181,  186,  186, 
192,  204,  219-231,  257-266,  291- 
292 

Women,  going  to  farms,  103;  their 
talk,  103 ; their  greetings,  104 ; 
salutations,  151  ; important  in 
village  and  town,  105 ; their  tem- 
perament, 106  ; charm  for  barren, 
107 ; barren  are  ridiculed,  107 ; 
can  procure  a divorce,  107 ; child 
of  unmarried,  108  ; during  certain 
periods  live  apart,  108 ; have 
whims,  109 ; gilt-edged  security, 
147  ; a loan  only,  142,  148 


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